Tag Archive for: Gender and participation

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Comments on the second draft of the IDB Environmental and Social Policy Framework, from a gender perspective

On Tuesday, August 5, we sent the IDB a new document with observations and comments on the second draft of the Environmental and Social Policy Framework from a gender perspective.

Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic.

In December 2019, the Inter-American Development Bank -BID- published the draft Environmental and Social Policy Framework -MPAS- to modernize its environmental and social policies. In January of this year, the face-to-face and virtual public consultations began, where Fundeps was present. In April, we sent a document with comments and observations on the draft MPAS from a gender perspective, which had the input of other civil society organizations. In this document we point out, above all, the lack of mainstreaming of the gender perspective in all the performance standards of the draft MPAS.

At the beginning of July, the Bank published the second draft of the MPAS in which it incorporated some of the recommendations sent by stakeholders (civil society, indigenous communities, Afro-descendant community) and began the second phase of the process for sending comments that It ended on Tuesday, August 5. From Fundeps, we analyzed this second draft of the MPAS and sent a new document with observations and comments from a gender perspective, with the aim of incorporating issues that we consider fundamental when considering the human rights of girls, adolescents, women and LGTTTBIQ + people. in the new social and environmental framework of the IDB.

Among the main points identified, we find positive aspects that have been incorporated as the reference to the Performance Standard -ND- 9 on gender equality in PS 1 (Evaluation and Management of Environmental and Social Risks and Impacts), PS 2 ( Labor and Working Conditions), PS 5 (Land Acquisition and Involuntary Resettlement) and PS 10 (Stakeholder Engagement and Disclosure of Information). Another aspect to highlight is the incorporation of ILO Convention 190 against violence and harassment in the workplace and Convention 100 on Equal Remuneration.

However, there are still many aspects to be incorporated that we believe are essential to guarantee gender equality and the mainstreaming of the gender perspective in the projects financed by the Bank. Among the necessary issues to be added to the new MPAS is the Bank’s duty to explicitly and transversally incorporate current and future international Treaties, Agreements and Conventions that contemplate the rights of girls, adolescents, women and LGTTTBIQ + people. In addition, the Bank as the main person in charge must mainstream the gender perspective throughout the Framework to avoid gender blindness.

A worrying issue is the replacement of the Policy on Gender Equality in Development by PS 9. Here the Bank should maintain the validity of the Policy as a complement to PS 9 on Gender Equality. Finally, we emphasize the need for the IDB to incorporate the great diversity of gender-gender identities, since the MPAS does not mention LGTTTBIQ + people, but rather identifies them as sexual and gender minorities. Therefore, we insist that LGTTTBIQ + people are specifically enunciated to ensure visibility and recognition of their existence and rights.

More information

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Observations on the second draft of the IDB Environmental and Social Policy Framework from a gender perspective

In early July, the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) published the second draft of the Environmental and Social Policy Framework -MPAS- and began the second phase of the 30-day consultation process. This document was produced within this framework and contains observations and comments on the second draft of the MPAS from a gender perspective.

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We make comments and observations on the IDB’s Environmental and Social Policy Framework from a gender perspective

From Fundeps, together with the participation of some international civil society organizations, we sent the IDB a document with comments and observations on the Environmental and Social Policy Framework from a gender perspective.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.

In December 2019, the Inter-American Development Bank -IDB- published the draft of the Environmental and Social Policy Framework (MPAS) in order to modernize its environmental and social policies. What does this MPAS mean? These are the requirements in environmental and social policy that the Bank or the Bank’s borrowers must meet when carrying out a project. In this statement, the Bank maintains a commitment to environmental and social sustainability, translated into a series of requirements and recommendations ordered in ten Performance Standards to be met in each project.

In January 2020, on-site and virtual public consultations began, in which Fundeps participated by presenting a review of what was proposed in social and environmental safeguards policies. This month, we led a document with specific comments and observations to Rule 9, on Gender Equality, and its lack of mainstreaming towards the rest of the MPAS Rules. This document was formulated together with another group of NGOs that adhered to the recommendations and together it was presented to the IDB. This work involved analyzing the entire draft of the Framework from a gender perspective and also contrasting it with previous gender policies published by the Bank.

As mentioned, the first shortcoming identified is the loss of mainstreaming of gender policy in project financing requirements. Taking into account that such projects directly and indirectly affect local communities, we demand that the Gender Equality Standard dialogue with other approaches such as race, ethnicity, class, age, religion, profession / activities, geographic location, among others. In other words, we demand that the problems be addressed from an intersectional vision, recognizing the coexistence of different vulnerabilities.

Regarding its conceptualization of gender equality, some inequalities of women with respect to men are mentioned, along with possible violence against trans people, so its approach in relation to LGBTTTIQ + people is scarce and superficial. Although it refers to ‘gender empowerment’ instead of ‘women empowerment’, there is no specific mention of gender, which manifests the reproduction of a binary, exclusive and regressive approach in terms of human rights. Furthermore, this means -not specifically mentioning the genres- the lack of incorporation of LGBTTTIQ people in the requirements to be met by the projects.

In its implementation measures, we note that the approaches proposed by the international human rights treaties for girls, adolescents, women, and LGBTTTIQ + people are not incorporated. On the other hand, the implementation measures required of borrowers do not include a proactive policy to advance on gender equality, as it was included in previous Bank gender policies. We continue with a preventive policy, although we identified an absence of a gender perspective in the design of strategies to mitigate and prevent violence, discrimination and inequalities.

In order to materialize progress regarding human rights in IDB-financed projects, we raise the need to strengthen the Bank’s commitment to the gender perspective, such as incorporating it at the internal level of its organizational structure. Taking into account the Bank’s ability to generate public policies through its choice of financing, we conclude that it must develop robust frameworks, operational policies, and accountability mechanisms that incorporate the gender perspective cross-sectionally and ensure the informed participation of affected people at all stages of all projects financed and undertaken by the Bank.

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Comments and observations on the draft IDB Environmental and Social Policy Framework from a gender perspective

This document makes comments and observations on the draft of the IDB’s new Environmental and Social Policy Framework from a gender perspective. The comments and suggestions have been made with the aim of strengthening the Bank’s commitment to the gender perspective and its internal incorporation into its organizational structure. It also seeks to avoid the continued violation and corrosion of the rights of women and LGBTTTQ + people.

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Gender training: a growing demand for our rights

During the month of March, we carried out two trainings for important social actors: health professionals and the public administration of the Province of Córdoba.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.

Gender at work: the gaps we inhabit and don’t see

On Thursday, March 12, we trained the personnel of the Property Registry of Córdoba, on gender and work. It had the objective of identifying the gender inequalities that exist in the formal and informal labor market, and in the paid as well as in the unpaid, to begin to reflect on the possible ways to combat them.

In a room made up mostly of women, the presence of a few men was significant and valuable in the sense of being a clear proof of the cultural change that is taking place in our society.

With comments, data contributions and questions, the people who participated in the training showed their amazement at the gender inequalities that exist in the different work environments and their interest in thinking about new strategies and lines of action to advance in gender equality. in these spaces.

Conscientious objection: the Trojan horse in the Voluntary Termination of Pregnancy laws

On Friday, March 13, we carried out a training aimed at the Network of Health Professionals for the Right to Decide. The objective was to learn about the uses and abuses of conscientious objection in the health field, and fundamentally, in sexual, reproductive and non-reproductive health services.

Conscientious objection is a legal institute that allows exemption from a certain obligation when it contradicts a person’s moral, ethical or religious convictions. However, it is often used in an abusive way, and it becomes an obstacle when it comes to guaranteeing fundamental rights, such as access to termination of pregnancy in cases where it is legal.

In a scenario in which the discussion on the law of Voluntary Termination of Pregnancy is looming, it is important to know the fundamentals behind this type of institutions, and the experiences existing so far in its practice and regulation.

Training as a guarantee of human rights

We celebrate these instances of training aimed at State agents, accompanying and legitimizing the provisions of the Micaela Law.

We understand that the gender training of these actors is essential to guarantee the rights of all people, and translates achievements achieved after years of struggles by social movements, women and LGBTIQ + people.

Contact

Cecilia Bustos Moreschi, cecilia.bustos.moreschi@fundeps.org

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LETTER TO THE INTENDENT MARTÍN LLARYORA: We need policies that address the problems of our city

Following the opportunity represented by the change of management at the municipal level, we want to express ourselves on key issues for the future of our city. Therefore, we jointly address other Cordoba organizations to the new Mayor of Córdoba, Martín Llaryora, with the aim of making recommendations regarding structural problems that cause serious damage to human rights.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.

Within the framework of the assumption of the new municipal management, there are unattended situations for years that need an urgent response. Through an open letter, we announce in ten points what these problems are and we make ourselves available to the new cabinet to work in an articulated way.

The ten points are summarized in:

  1. Environmental and health emergency in the Chacras de la Merced neighborhood
  2. Solid Urban Waste
  3. Urban Planning and Development
  4. Gender parity in the cabinet
  5. Trans labor inclusion and quota law
  6. Access to Legal Disruption of Pregnancy in Primary Care Centers
  7. Application of the Micaela law
  8. Access to public information
  9. Healthy school environments
  10. Smoke-free environments and protection of the non-smoker

These are 10 points, which are not exhaustive or exclusive of other problems, but require an urgent response because of the critical situations they represent. We hope that in the next 4 years we can articulate a joint work to continue advancing in the fulfillment of the human rights of the Cordoba community.

Access the full letter

Contact

Carolina Tamagnini, carotamagnini@fundeps.org

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Parity: that challenge always pending

We demand it in the marches, the partisan companions asked for, it has been promoted for decades with laws and projects and yet not. Again a priority male cabinet. Again a non-representative and non-diverse cabinet.

After speculation, meetings, arrangements and negotiations, finally Alberto Fernández, the president-elect, announced the formation of his cabinet. The Vice Presidency of the Nation, a charge of Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, joins the Office of the Chief of Staff, a charge of Santiago Cafiero, the General Secretariat of the Presidency headed by Julio Vitobello, Vilma Ibarra in the Technical and Legal Secretariat (the authorities of the Secretariats have the rank and hierarchy of Minister) Gustavo Beliz in the Secretariat of Strategic Affairs, Martín Guzmán in the Ministry of Economy, Martín Kulfas in the Ministry of Production, Felipe Solá in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Wado de Pedro in the Ministry of the Interior, Daniel Arroyo in the Ministry of Social Development, Eliana Gómez Alcorta in the Ministry of Women, Gender and Diversity, Marcela Losardo in the Ministry of Justice, Ginés González García to the Ministry of Health, María Eugenia Bielsa to the Ministry of Territorial Development and Habitat, Gabriel Katopodis to the Ministry of Public Works, Agustín Rossi to the Ministry of Defense, Sabina Frede ric to the Ministry of Security, Claudio Moroni to the Ministry of Labor, Mario Meoni to the Ministry of Transportation, Nicolás Trotta to the Ministry of Education, Tristán Bauer to the Ministry of Culture, Roberto Salvarezza to the Ministry of Science and Technology, Matías Lammens to the Ministry of Sports, Juan Cabandié to the Ministry of Environment and Luis Basterra to the Ministry of Agriculture.

To these Ministries, the state company AYSA and the AFIP and PAMI organizations, headed by Malena Galmarini, Mercedes Marcó del Pont and Luana Volnovich, respectively, are added. In addition, Cecilia Todesca as Deputy Chief of Staff, Adriana Puiggrós as Deputy Minister of Education and Victoria Tolosa Paz in the Social Policy Council.

The photo of the brand new Pink house: Suit, tie, suit, tie, beard, mustache, shirt, handshake. What does that photo tell us that returns so much homogeneity, classism and androcentrism?

D´Alessandro, Vales and Snitcofsky, in an article published in 2017, “Overview of the glass dome in the State” state that: androcentrism?”

“There are more ministers called Juan than female ministers in the history of Argentina. Since 1983, there were only 16 women in this position in different governments, with 154 male ministers who succeeded each other. Nor is there a long history, the first was the first was Susana Ruiz Cerutti in 1989 and lasted only 45 days. Today, women are 31% of the total workers in the positions that make up the organic structure and authorities of the national executive branch, however, there are only 3 women in the 23 front-line positions (ministries, cabinet and chancery); that is, just 13%. In this layer there are also more graduates of the Cardenal Newman school than ministers. ”

This image of the outgoing government ministerial portfolio is a photo that is repeated. Far from parity, once again the political dynamics, relegate women to a few positions.

After the ministerial reorganization, the Cambiemos government left only 2 of the 11 ministries run by women. The new government shows a slight improvement as it increases the number of women in these positions to 5, but still, it is very far from parity: in total, women occupy 21.7% of the 23 positions with ministerial hierarchy of first line (counting the Headquarters of Cabinet).

In the case of the Legislative Power, the permanent struggle of women and dissidents became legal tools. Not without enormous resistance, criticism and violence, in 1991 Argentina sanctioned a Women’s Quota law – law 24.012 – which states that “lists submitted to elections must have women in a minimum of 30% of candidates for office choose and in proportions with the possibility of being elected ”. Today, about 30 years after its implementation, we recognize that the measure was positive. Discussion topics were expanded, key laws were passed and new rights were acquired in matters of identity, family, health and education. In 2017, the Chamber of Deputies of the Nation approved and converted into law the so-called gender parity for the integration of lists of legislative candidates in the national jurisdiction. Thus, as of 2019, the lists should place men and women in an interleaved and consecutive manner, achieving a 50% distribution for each gender. But in the case of the Executive Power, there is no regulation that requires expansion or parity in the formation of cabinets. The participation of trans bodies and dissent in the public-political sphere and in the key decision spaces are still pending challenges.

“In addition to these obstacles, and others where stereotypes and machismo play an important role, there is an underlying prejudice and it is that women do not reach high-level positions because they do not have the necessary education, experience and / or capacity . If we assume that the best or most qualified are always in the government leadership then we should ask ourselves why women are only 10% of the ministers we have had since 1983 to here. Women (…) are more than 40% of workers, have an average year of education more than their peers and are 60% of university students and graduates ”(D´Alessandro, Vales and Snitcofsky, 2017).

According to the UN Women in Politics map, as of January 2019, women have only 20.7% of ministerial positions worldwide, being the highest figure in history. Argentina today, manages to overcome this figure with a government that announces itself progressive, has equity as a priority and addresses specific issues that are fought from feminisms and dissent.

We are more, but there is still much to conquer

Those who militate diversity, rescue what has been achieved and continue fighting for spaces, laws and actions that are still to be achieved. Regarding the presidential cabinet, first, we look at those who access positions of power, questioning how and why they get there. When we see relatively homogeneous and masculine bodies, we only have to ask ourselves whether as a society and from politics we are doing enough to guarantee equal opportunities, more friendly spaces and other more open and inclusive ways of leading. Second, the glass ceilings and walls. Those hermetic power structures, continue to define what roles are assigned to whom based on the generic sex system. Women with some access to education can occupy spaces but only up to a certain point (in this case, be the second of, secretaries, vice-ministers and always advisors), and in certain work areas associated with an extension of care tasks and reproduction: habitat, equality, education or justice, among others.

Now we add a new ministry, the great campaign promise. The Ministry of Women, Gender and Diversity. A whole team dedicated to work on these issues, something not less and appropriate to the demands of our times. However, the commitment to equality and equity must be reflected beyond a ministry. It requires a commitment to mainstreaming and not a mere name.

We want diversity to ensure effective representativeness. But the mere existence of women in positions does not guarantee the gender perspective: it is not enough only with the greater presence of female bodies, but with people who are aware and work to reduce the inequalities of power that cross us through issues of gender, sexuality , race, age and class.

The demand for diversity in ministerial positions and the gender perspective at the transversal level is not a whim. It is shown that the greater the diversity, the better decisions are made. We have seen how the gender perspective allows us to be aware of multiple oppressions and build fairer societies. We want to have leadership figures that represent us, who know about our vulnerabilities and build forms of governance that tear down walls and glass ceilings.

In a context where, according to official INDEC figures, women have a lower participation in the labor market (42% against 64% of men), a higher unemployment rate (8.4% against 6.9% of men) and we charge 74% of the salary a man charges for the same task, we will fight until we get a different photo, at the height of our times, at the height of our battles.

Returning to the words of Simone de Beauvoir: “Never forget that a political, economic or religious crisis will suffice for women’s rights to be questioned again. These rights are never taken for granted, you must remain vigilant all your life.”

Authors

Paula Kantor and Emilia Pioletti.

Contact

Cecilia Bustos Moreschi, cecilia.bustos.moreschi@fundeps.org

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Observations on IDB Invest’s Environmental and Social Sustainability Policy draft from a gender-sensitive perspective

This document aims to present the observations and comments to the draft of IDB Invest’s new Environmental and Social Sustainability Policy from a gender perspective, which is practically absent in the current draft. These observations are made with the aim of making conflicts and existing problems in the actions of IDB Invest more visible, related to the violation of rights, inequality, violence and the sexual division of labour, first and foremost.

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Gender policies in journalism and advertising. The debates we owed

We held the National Forum on Gender Policies in Journalism and Advertising on September 12 and 13 at the Faculty of Social Sciences of the UBA. We have the presence of interns from the interior of the country dedicated to advertising, journalism and communication, representatives of journalistic and advertising organizations and we obtained the signature of 44 institutions to the Commitment Agreement.

Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic.

There were two days of reflection and discussion around a central axis: the gender policies that exist (and are missing) in the two most important sectors dedicated to communication: advertising and journalism.

On Thursday 12, the day began in the afternoon with the opening of the Forum by the organizations that made this event possible: The Civil Association Communication for Equality, The Heinrich Boll Foundation, UNESCO and Fundeps.

Then, organizations from all over the country linked to journalism and advertising signed the Commitment Agreement on Gender Policies in Journalism and Advertising. They expressed their interest and desire to transform the labor structures of these industries and create democratic, inclusive and diverse spaces, with equal real opportunities to access decision-making positions and more valued areas.

 

They joined 44 organizations of which 16 are from within the country. They signed 9 media companies, 15 advertising agencies, 7 academic institutions, 6 professional associations and networks, 3 press unions, 3 business chambers and 1 state agency. Those who want to adhere and sign the Commitment Agreement can do so through this form.

The day ended with Luciana Peker’s talk-debate «The feminist tide in journalism and publicity: another way of telling, another way of working.»

 

Start from questions to find answers

Friday was raised as a meeting place between the various actors that are part of both industries: educational institutions, unions, business chambers, advertising agencies, media companies, civil society organizations, state agencies and workers / is from both industries.

The day was organized in four panels, designed from the critical axes found in both industries. During the morning the following were presented:

  • Care policies, in which Paula Rey and Victoria Gallo (ELA), Georgina Sticco (Gender and Work-Grow), Mariángeles Camusso (Inter-American Open University), Silvia Martínez Cassina (channel 13) and Cecilia Bustos Moreschi (Fundeps) participated as moderator.
  • Labor rights and unionization, whose panelists were Cynthia Benzion (vice president of the Association of Lawyers and Labor Lawyers of CABA), Verónica Baracat (UN Women), Diego Pietrafesa (Telefe-SiPreBA), Luciano Calió (FBC & Fire) and Melanie Tobal (Advertising. org) in moderation.

In the afternoon were the panels «Journalism and Gender» and «Advertising and Gender»:

  • The first, moderated by Pate Palero (PAR Network), was composed of Viviana Mariño (Argentine Time), Nicole Insignares (Clarín Group), Silvia Hernández (UBA) and Gabriela Toledo (Subprogram of Strategies for Training and Communication of San Luis ).
  • The last one was formed by Mariana Iesulauro (Y&R Agency), Agustina Militerno (Havas), Tomás Balduzzi (Higher School of Advertising Creatives) and Rocío Restaino (Women in Advertising) as moderator.

In these spaces, the various actors in the advertising and journalism industries were invited to ask themselves: What is the relationship between care policies and actions and the participation of women in the advertising and journalism industries? Why are there so few women in hierarchical positions and in the most valued areas? What are the most serious problems of both industries in relation to unionization and the construction of labor rights? What strategies can be designed, implemented and evaluated to generate more democratic and diverse work environments?

These questions put into question the labor practices of both industries, the production of content and promoted discussions postponed by some of these actors.

There were two days of intense debate, which allowed us to observe and realize that the advertising and journalism industries are not excluded from many sexist practices, and that, like most of the different items, gender-based inequalities suffer, such as, the wage gap between men and women and the glass ceiling, both produced mainly by the overload in women of unpaid household chores and by maternity. That in order to transform this, it is necessary to defend and transform trade union spaces, to continue with the internal demand for violence-free, equitable and egalitarian spaces. As Luciana Peker said «without union rights, but also gender-specific, there is no possibility of reaching or staying, or reaching places of hierarchy.»

We believe that the Forum was an enriching space as it sat on the same discussion table to workers, companies, unions, educational institutions, civil society organizations and the same State, in order to generate commitments that translate into policies of Formal, concrete and sustainable gender that promote real equality of opportunities, inclusion and diversity within.

Authors

Valentina Montero

Cecilia Bustos Moreschi

Contact

Cecilia Bustos Moreschi cecilia.bustos.moreschi@fundeps.org

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#25N: Is celebrated? International Day for the Elimination of Violence against Women

As every November 25, this Monday marks the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women. Date that calls us to review and rethink some data and measures taken by the last management.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.

This date and its corresponding march close the “feminist calendar” and like every end of the year it is an opportunity to take stock, in addition to this on the occasion of the early change of government, which invites us to extend the analysis to management four years of President Mauricio Macri.

Thus, for example, at the beginning of the current month the Minister of Security Patricia Bullrich shared in her networks the data on femicides relieved by the portfolio she is in charge of, together with the phrase, in a festive tone like who celebrates an achievement, “We lower the femicides 12.1%! ” This statement, which refers to the amount of femicides of the year 2018 compared to that of 2017 (according to that information, 281 and 292, respectively), in addition to being factually incorrect, is an image of an erroneous perspective on the macho violence that explains largely the action (or lack of action) in gender policy of the outgoing government.

First, the numbers presented by Bullrich differ from those registered by the Women’s Office of the Supreme Court of Justice. According to the latter, the figures are 278 for 2018 and 273 for 2017, so it would be the opposite of the alleged reduction alleged by the minister.

According to Chequeado, the difference between the two statistics would be that in the case of the Ministry “as with other types of crimes, their figures come from police records. That is to say that it is the first post-crime analysis, before the start of the judicial investigation. ” Instead, the Women’s Office relieves information on the legal cases in process. This disparity of data should not be a problem for those corresponding to the current year, since the Supreme Court, the Ministry of Security and the Attorney General’s Office have signed an agreement to unify femicide statistics. However, we will have to wait until 2020 for the report to be published.

Meanwhile, although the official data is not possessed, the work of some feminist organizations that, as part of their militancy and without receiving any compensation, do a thorough monthly survey based on the information obtained in the media Communication. In this regard, the Mumalá National Observatory has registered 226 femicides between January 1 and October 31, 2019, not counting 38 cases under investigation, which means at least one victim every 32 hours. Broken down, this number includes 192 direct femicides, 18 linked and 6 trans / transvestites. Another relevant indicator is that 68% of the murders were perpetrated by either the couple (40%) or the former partner (28%) of the victims. Considering that 18% of them had made prior complaints, the question that arises immediately after reading these data is where the State is and what is the true scope of the policies that it has been implementing regarding gender violence.

A success of the year 2019 was undoubtedly the approval of the Micaela Law, which according to its article 1 stipulates “mandatory training in the subject of gender and violence against women for all people who work in the public service at all levels and hierarchies in the Executive, Legislative and Judicial branches of the Nation ”.

However, if we look more closely at the work of the INAM (National Women’s Institute), a body designated as the authority for the application of that law and in charge of other gender policies, the balance has not been positive. Despite having been ranked in 2017 acquiring the rank of Secretary of State within the Ministry of Social Development, this did not translate into an appropriate budget and in fact this was cut annually.

The gender specialist journalist, Mariana Carbajal, says in her note on Page 12 that, “after the complaint of human rights organizations and women, Congress increased the items assigned to it by the Executive Branch, but those increases did not cover inflation: in 2018 the INAM budget was 15 percent lower in real terms than in 2017 and in 2019, the reduction (also in real terms) compared to last year was 16 percent ”. As logically the budget deficit hinders the execution, it is understandable that, as the note reports, of the 36 shelters for women survivors of gender-based violence that Macri had promised, only 9 have been completed and equipped, of which 8 had begun to be built during the previous government.

All this allows us to affirm that, although during these four years there was some progress, such as the explicit inclusion of gender in the national budget, they were not enough. This is because, fundamentally, it is still necessary for the State to take a stand against this type of violence as a structural problem.

Far from functioning as any crime, the security and punitive approach is inadequate and, despite what Bullrich has said, the figures for femicides have not dropped. Assuming that there had been about ten fewer victims between one year and another, isn’t it alarming that they still exceed 200 annually? Obviously, much remains to be done, not only from the Ministry of Security, but entirely from the entire state apparatus.

Just as gender is transversal and inequality is reproduced in all social spheres (in politics, in the economy, etc.), gender violence is not limited to femicide or physical violence, but, for example, Criminalization of abortion is also a form of violence against pregnant people. In this sense,the latest news regarding the update of the protocol for the Legal Interruption of Pregnancy (ILE) was another attack on sexual and reproductive rights. In turn, it served as a reminder of the unfortunate decision that the government made this year to transform the Ministry of Health into a Secretariat, taking away the margin of decision (in fact, the reason used to justify the cancellation was the lack of consultation of the secretary to his superior). Since we are talking about cabinet portfolios, the promise of President-elect Alberto Fernández to inaugurate the Ministry of Gender Equality is at least hopeful. We also hope that the new administration that will assume this December 10 can redirect strategies against sexist violence to give reins to the profound cultural change that is necessary to really end it.

Of course, the claim to the State for answers is not a simple wait with crossed arms: the feminist movement remains active in the streets and the slogan Ni Una menos remains more current than ever, because beyond the number of victims of femicide and of the percentages in which they vary, as long as there is at least one dead there will be nothing to celebrate.

Author

Mariana Barrios Glanzmann
Contact
Cecilia Bustos Moreschi, cecilia.bustos.moreschi@fundeps.org
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National Women’s Council and INAM: what could have been, what was and how will it continue?

27 years have passed since the creation of the National Women’s Council, which since 2017 works under the name of the National Women’s Institute (INAM). He was born on August 7, 1992 with the objective of specifying the commitment assumed in the Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW).

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.

In the election year we are in and a few days after the PASS, it is a good opportunity to ask how effective this organization has been in recent years and what challenges the next administration will have in terms of public gender policies.

The proposal of the National Women’s Council, the first hierarchical organization in the country and second in the region (that of Brazil was a pioneer and taken as a model), was designed by a group of militant women and feminist intellectuals, among them the sociologist Virginia Fraganillo who was its first president. With a headline chosen by the women’s movement itself, the outlook for the nascent body seemed promising given its authorities’ commitment to the feminist cause.

Under Fraganillo’s management, the Council had its first four years of life marked by very positive advances such as the inclusion of the gender issue in the school curriculum and sexual and reproductive health policies. We can highlight among its actions, the first abortion survey, which, in the framework of the constitutional convention of 94, opened the debate socially. However, and despite his remarkable mandate, Fraganillo resigned from office.

Since then, the following governments have weakened the institutionality of the Council, which at first depended directly on the executive branch, and their presidents showed serious limitations in terms of the effective action for women’s rights. Unknown personalities in the feminist movement such as Lucila “Pimpi” Colombo, Lidia Mondelo or Mariana Gras Buscetto, among others, went through this position.

Upon assuming the current government, Fabiana Tuñez was appointed as the head of the brand new Council. At first, for an important part of feminism, it seemed good news given Tuñez’s militant trajectory in the cause of women as the founder of the NGO “La Casa del Encuentro” and its public definition as a feminist. However, after these four years, the balance is not entirely positive.

In the middle of its management, in 2017, the Council underwent a transformation: By presidential decree it became the National Women’s Institute (INAM) and acquired the rank of secretariat under the orbit of the Ministry of Social Development.

These mutations could not cover up a problem that has remained since then, and is that of a budgetary nature. The reduced funds currently received by INAM and gender programs are alien to the inflationary expectation, so that, day after day, the actual budget designated to combat gender violence and promote women’s empowerment and equality is seen significantly reduced.

Specifically, the budget allocated to INAM for 2019 was $ 234,394,881 ($ 11.36 per woman!). But also, and according to a study by the Latin American Justice and Gender Team (ELA) “although this represents an 11% increase in nominal terms, taking into account the average inflation used by the Executive Branch itself in the preparation of the budget ( 34.8%), this implies a fall of 18% in real terms in relation to the previous year. In addition, there was a decline in the weight of the INAM over the total budget. While in 2018 it represented 0.006% of the total national budget, for 2019 it represents 0.00005%. ”

A second problem refers to the scope of agency policies. On the one hand, it is necessary to recognize INAM extremely relevant measures such as the Equal Opportunities Plan, the Observatory of Violence against Women, the formation of the Ad Honorem Advisory Council in which it articulates with civil society organizations to monitor the entire country the application of law 26485 against violence against women, surveys and reports that provide data to inequality and support current and future public policies, among others. One of the most notable measures is the National Plan of Action for the Prevention, Assistance and Eradication of Violence against women, although, although there are still a few months remaining, much of the Plan has not been implemented (again, little can be done without a budget to accompany it).

On the other hand, considering that gender problems are structural, it is necessary to confront them with core policies and it is in this sense that both Tuñez and his predecessors have failed.

For example, to overcome the sexual division of labor we need to follow models such as the Comprehensive Care System that Uruguay has, or at least extend the paternity leave time in Argentina that is only two days.

We ask ourselves, what awaits INAM in December?, No matter what, will it be different this time?

Regardless of the electoral results, we consider it necessary to strengthen INAM, not only in its institutionality but also at the budgetary level so that, with all the effort involved in combating the multiple violence that affects women, build a more just and egalitarian society.

Author

Mariana Barrios

Contact

Cecilia Bustos Moreschi, cecilia.bustos.moreschi@fundeps.org

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We invite you to the National Forum of Gender Policies in Journalism and Advertising

The event will be held on September 12 and 13, 2019 in classroom 300 of the Faculty of Social Sciences (Constitution Headquarters) of the University of Buenos Aires.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.

Transform work structures to transform content

After years of research on the advertising and journalism industries, from Fundeps, the Civil Association for Equality Communication and with the support of the Heinrich Boll Foundation, we consider it relevant to share the results obtained among the actors involved.

Our research shows that gender inequality within media companies, advertising agencies and related unions translates, among other issues, into the co-optation of symbolically and economically more relevant positions and positions held by men. In turn, vocational training institutions have a limited academic offer in gender issues.

This acquires particular relevance due to the key role of these industries in the formation of opinion and cultural mandates.

At this point, it becomes necessary to observe and discuss labor practices and behaviors within these spaces, understanding them as organizational structures. The aim is to promote the construction of inclusive, democratic workspaces, where diverse gender identities participate in the production of sexism-free content and in decision-making positions.

The objective of the event is to generate a sensitization and capacity building, meeting and articulation instance, but also to discuss gender policies in both industries, calling on media companies, advertising agencies, educational institutions, unions and business associations , to workers in the sector, civil society organizations and the State.

The Forum is aimed at these mentioned sectors and those who seek to transform communication and related work spaces from a gender perspective.

Agenda and panels

Participants from the sector of Córdoba and Buenos Aires and more than 20 communicators, publicists and journalists from the country will participate, with the purpose of incorporating a federal perspective on gender policies in journalism and advertising and in order to generate lines of action and impact throughout the country.

On September 12, the Forum will be opened by the institutions that organize it and in which Luciana Peker will make a keynote talk: “The feminist tide in advertising and journalism”.

On Friday 13, between 9 and 18 hours, panels-workshops will be held in which some of the critical axes identified in both industries will be addressed: Care policies; Labor Rights and Unionization; Journalism and Gender; Advertising and gender.

Participation in the Forum is free but admission must complete this registration form.

More information to info@fundeps.org

Circular I National Forum on Gender Policies in Journalism and Advertising