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Gender parity: a necessary conquest

On November 23, 2017, the National Congress approved Law No. 27,412 on Gender Parity in Areas of Political Representation, the result of the harmonization of several projects presented in the Senate during 2016. The first one was the one presented on February 26 of that year by Peronist deputy Jujeña Liliana Fellner.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.

Although the final draft had been approved in the Senate in October 2016, it did not reach the Chamber of Deputies until shortly before the end of the 2017 session.

In the long session on November 22, Rep. Victoria Donda (Movimiento Libres del Sur) asked that the project be treated “on tables”. Thus, in the early hours of the morning, with 165 votes in favor, 4 votes against, 2 abstentions and 82 absent deputies, the bill became law.

With the aim of guaranteeing gender parity in the legislative bodies, the law establishes that the lists of candidates for the National Congress (deputies and senators) and the Mercosur Parliament must be carried out “placing interspersed women and men from the first titular candidate to the last alternate candidate”.

In this way, the law takes female representation on the electoral lists to 50 percent, guaranteeing the principle of gender equivalent participation. This decision is in tune with the local legislation of some provinces, such as Santiago del Estero, Córdoba, Río Negro and, more recently, Buenos Aires, which for several years now have laws of equivalent gender participation.

The Law of Quota: the fundamental antecedent

Although we had a quota law since 1991, the year in which Argentina became the first country in the world to guarantee the participation of women in electoral posts, this law was already obsolete. Law 24,012, which two decades ago was considered advanced, established a minimum quota of 30% that should be occupied by women. However, in practice, the law ended up showing its limitations when converting that percentage into a ceiling, rather than a minimum quota, causing women to be relegated to third, sixth or ninth place in the lists.

Unfortunately, as we have said on another occasion, in the swing of the interpretation of our National Constitution, and in particular Art. 37, the provisions of the Convention for the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women continue to be ignored. (CEDAW, for its acronym in English), which enjoys constitutional status and must be mandatorily taken as a current and complementary rule of our Constitution.

 

The CEDAW, in its Art. 4 Inc. 1, provides: “The adoption by States Parties of temporary special measures aimed at accelerating de facto equality between men and women shall not be considered discrimination in the manner defined in the present Convention, but in no way entail, as a consequence, the maintenance of unequal or separate regulations; these measures will cease when the objectives of equality of opportunity and treatment have been reached.”

The female quota laws are nothing other than these “temporary special measures” established in this normative body, which must cease when the objectives of equality of opportunity and treatment have been reached.

Already at the last Conferences on Women in Latin America and the Caribbean, the idea of ​​a minimum percentage for gender parity had been proposed as a regional goal. In the Quito Consensus emerged from the X Regional Conference on Women States recognized that parity is “one of the determinant drivers of democracy, whose goal is to achieve equality in the exercise of power, in decision-making, in the mechanisms of participation and social and political representation, and in the family relations within the different types of families, the social, economic, political and cultural relations, and that constitutes a goal to eradicate the structural exclusion of women“.

 

The quotas are corrective measures and, therefore, temporary; On the other hand, parity is a permanent principle that better represents equality in the exercise of power. Parity is a definitive measure that seeks to share the political power between women and men and transform the very idea of ​​democracy.

However, it is necessary to recognize that the quota laws or quota mechanisms have achieved conquests on the road to equality, favoring new issues on the public agenda, especially in terms of gender equality and defense of rights.

Since then, our Congress has enacted numerous laws that promote the rights of women against discrimination and inequality that they suffer for reasons of gender, such as Law 26,485 of Comprehensive Protection to prevent, punish and eradicate violence against women in the areas of that develop their interpersonal relationships (2009), Law 26,522 of Audiovisual Communication Services (which promotes equal treatment and not stereotyped in the media, avoiding discrimination based on gender or sexual orientation, also in 2009), Law 26,862 of Comprehensive access to medical-assistance procedures and techniques of medically assisted reproduction (2013) and Law 26,873 of Breastfeeding – Public Promotion and Awareness (2013), to name a few.

As a result of the long struggle of the different feminist movements and the work of legislators of different party colors, parity represents an enormous advance in legislative matters. This advance, however, must be accompanied by public policies with a gender perspective that guarantee and deepen the realization of these rights and that contribute to a real transformation of patriarchal power relations.

The Gender Parity Law in Areas of Political Representation is definitely a positive measure that will allow the effective enjoyment of women’s human rights and the real opening of the legislative space to the agenda of the feminist movements as inescapable themes for the strengthening of the democracy.

 

Authors

Rocío Aguirre

Mayca Balaguer

More information

Virginia Pedraza – vir.pedraza@fundeps.org

Mayca Balaguer – maycabalaguer@fundeps.org

Emilia Pioletti – emiliapioletti@fundeps.org

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On March 8, we stop again

With an extraordinary organization in all parts of the country, and within the framework of an international movement, women are once again demanding equality.

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On women’s day in 2017, a mobilization was carried out in more than 35 countries to denounce the historical inequality of women in society and its multiple consequences: from sexist violence -and its most extreme expression, femicides- to feminization of poverty, economic violence, domestic work and unpaid care, wage gap in relation to male salaries, job insecurity, universal vacancies in kindergartens, extension of maternity and paternity leave, salaries for victims of gender violence, equal salary for equal work, reopening of the moratorium for housewives, among other claims.

This year, the mobilization multiplied, and the organizations and movements and unions of all the places of the country reconvene under the same banner. Thousands of people are gathering in the Organizational Assemblies of the International Stop of women, trans, lesbians and of all feminized identities, and we call for various measures, from unemployment to marches, interventions, digital campaigns, etc.

The deployment of energies occurs throughout Latin America, and the claims are adjusted to the most urgent needs of each place, making visible the diversity of our continent.

Undoubtedly, the collective Ni Una Menos, present in all provinces and almost all cities in the country, is the space that brings together people who want to make visible again the struggle for the rights to equality and a life free of violence. From these spaces are built the alliances and the links of a historical and tireless struggle that grows every day.

From FUNDEPS we stop all the identities that are part of our organization. We return to the need to rethink our relationships, our policies and our socio-cultural reality. We accompany the fight, invite and adhere to the International Women’s Strike on March 8, 2018.

Contact

Virginia Pedraza, vir.pedraza@fundeps.org

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The intervention of INADI before said homophobes against Flor de la V

After the election of the Carlos Paz Awards 2018, the speaker Carlos Caserta made a series of homophobic, discriminating and derogatory comments against Florencia de la V and the trans community. It was denounced by social organizations, criticized in the media and INADI declared its repudiation.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”

The speaker Carlos Caserta, in his program on FM 100, criticized the Carlos Paz Awards for recognizing the actress and comedian Florencia de la V, for his performance in the play “Explosivos”.

In his sayings he said: “Choose a ‘trava’ as a prominent female figure … Excuse me, you, but they are sick in the head (…) Honestly, I do not mean it, it’s not a woman! You have to respect the woman Fuck! How can it be that a job is more important than a woman? And the women, above, do not do anything, they take it with grace, they are shitting the clients, the prizes. you carry, or homosexuals.”

The aberrant manifestations of Caserta are framed in a violent practice, in flagrant detriment of the rights of the LGTTTBIQ collective, which foment discrimination, inequality and hatred. In these cases it is essential to remember the “Guide for the journalistic treatment responsible for gender identities, sexual orientation and intersexuality“, published by the Ombudsman’s Office, which recommends, among others: “Respect the principle of self-determination of sexual identities and orientations and promote media discourses that avoid judging or discrediting the autonomy of people to define themselves.”

On the other hand, the sayings of this man promote a dichotomous vision of gender and sexuality, making a focus on compulsory heterosexuality as the only legitimate model of bodies, identities, relationships and families.

Many organizations make complaints through the corresponding channels, which are responsible for ensuring the rights of audiences, such as the Ombudsman’s Office, ENACOM, INADI, and INAM.

The response of INADI was swift and concrete in its rejection of the statements of Caserta, reaffirming that “these manifestations take on another dimension and impact when they are disseminated in the mass media,” which is why it invites awareness-raising among communicators to the microphone.

This type of conduct by communication professionals is plausible for sanctions and is in flagrant violation of our national regulations, as well as the Human Rights Treaties, which are part of our legal system.

It should not be forgotten that, according to the Audiovisual Communication Services Law No. 26,522, it establishes in article 70: “The programming of the services provided in this law shall avoid content that promotes or incites discriminatory treatment based on race, color, sex, sexual orientation (…) or that undermine human dignity or induce behaviors that are harmful to the environment or to the health of people and the integrity of children or adolescents.”

On the other hand, the Gender Identity Law N ° 26.743, in its article 1:

“Everyone has the right:

a) To the recognition of their gender identity;
b) The free development of their person according to their gender identity;
c) To be treated according to their gender identity and, in particular, to be identified in that way in the instruments that accredit their identity with respect to the name/s of pile, image and sex with which it is registered there.”

We applaud the immediate reaction of INADI, and the follow-up of the other competent organs of the State, in the fulfillment of its functions, and in guarantee to the rights that protect our laws. It is essential to understand that the media are creators of opinion and that this entails a great responsibility to those who create and reproduce the contents, to promote equality and respect for rights, in pursuit of a more just and equitable society.

Contact

Virginia Pedraza, vir.pedraza@fundeps.org

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Advisory Opinion of the IACHR on the environment and human rights

Following a request made by the State of Colombia on March 14, 2016, for the first time the Inter-American Court developed the content of the right to a healthy environment in its Advisory Opinion OC-23/17 on “Environment and Human Rights”, notified on February 7.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”

In this document the Court recognized “the undeniable relationship between the protection of the environment and the realization of other human rights“, highlighting the interdependence and indivisibility that exists between human rights, the environment and sustainable development. Therefore, it understands that all rights are vulnerable to environmental degradation, and its full enjoyment depends on an appropriate environment.

In the inter-American human rights system, the right to a healthy environment is expressly enshrined in Article 11 of the Protocol of San Salvador, which establishes the right of everyone to live in a healthy environment and to have basic public services, and the consequent obligation of the States to promote the protection, preservation and improvement of the environment.

In addition, this right is also considered included among the economic, social and cultural rights protected by Article 26 of the American Convention.

The Court clarified that “the human right to a healthy environment has been understood as a right with both individual and collective connotations. In its collective dimension, [..] constitutes a universal interest, which is due both to present and future generations. However, […] it also has an individual dimension, insofar as its violation can have direct or indirect repercussions on people due to its connection with other rights, such as the right to health, personal integrity or life, among others. The degradation of the environment can cause irreparable damage to human beings, so a healthy environment is a fundamental right for the existence of humanity.”

The Advisory Opinion also determined the state obligations for the protection of the environment.

With respect to jurisdiction, States must respect and guarantee the human rights of all people and this may mean, depending on the case in particular and exceptionally, situations that go beyond their territorial limits. In the same sense, States have an obligation to avoid transboundary damage.

In particular, in order to respect and guarantee the rights to life and integrity, it determined that States must comply with the following obligations and principles:

Obligation of prevention: means to prevent significant environmental damage, inside or outside its territory, which implies that they must regulate, supervise and supervise the activities under their jurisdiction, carry out environmental impact studies, establish contingency plans and mitigate the damage that has occurred;

Principle of precaution: States must act in accordance with the precautionary principle against possible serious or irreversible damage to the environment that affects the rights to life and personal integrity, even in the absence of scientific certainty;

Obligation of cooperation: involves cooperation with other States in good faith for protection against significant environmental damage. From this are derived:

  • The obligation to notify potentially affected States of possible significant environmental damage caused by activities carried out under their jurisdiction;
  • The duty to consult and negotiate with the potentially affected States;
  • The duty to ensure the exchange of information between States;

Procedural Obligations: These are obligations that support a better formulation of environmental policies. Among them, States have to ensure:

  • Access to information: guarantee access to information on possible effects on the environment;
  • Public participation: guarantee the right to public participation of people, in making decisions and policies that may affect the environment.
  • Access to justice: guarantee access to justice, in relation to state obligations for the protection of the environment.

It is remarkable that the IACHR determines the content and scope of the procedural obligations, since they are in line with the provisions of Principle 10 of the Rio Declaration on Environment and Development. This principle seeks to ensure that everyone has access to information, participates in decision-making and accesses justice in environmental matters, in order to guarantee the right to a healthy and sustainable environment for present and future generations. In this sense, FUNDEPS, together with several civil society organizations, actively participates in the negotiation process to obtain a Regional Agreement on Principle 10, considering that its concretion will allow strengthening capacities to deal with environmental challenges in the region. .

This Advisory Opinion arose because of Colombia’s concern regarding the “risk” that new major infrastructure projects will seriously affect the marine environment in the region. Everything provided by the Court will allow Colombia to continue advancing in the effective protection of the environment in the Greater Caribbean and the rights and interests of Colombians.

Beyond the effects that the document may have for the State that requested the Opinion, we understand that it constitutes a significant advance in terms of environmental protection for all American States, as it provides interpretative guidelines and completes the sense of the rights contained in the Covenant.

More information

– See the full resolution

Author

Mayca Balaguer, maycabalaguer@fundeps.org

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BID Invest will review in 2018 its policy of access to information

During 2018, the private sector investment arm of the Inter-American Development Bank, BID
Invest, will review its institutional policy on access to information. It is a process that is expected
to improve its current policy, in order to effectively guarantee this right.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”

The investment arm of the private sector of the Inter-American Development Bank, BID Invest, will review its access to information policy during 2018. IDB Invest, is the entity in which the former Inter-American Investment Corporation (IIC) was transformed, as a result of the deepening that the IDB intends to carry out in its financing to the private sector.

The IIC (now BID Invest), like the other international financial institutions (IFIs), has operational policies that regulate the actions of the entity and present criteria for the granting of loans. The policies of access to information fall within the group of rules that define the actions of the institution. In particular, they claim the basic right of access to information that human beings have.

It is also important to mention the relevance that this right adopts in terms of development projects. For a true development to take place, it is necessary that those involved can be part of the information exchange process, and even more, that they can see their development priorities reflected throughout the project’s investment cycle. Only then, policies and projects will be able to provide real benefits to local communities.

In this regard, IFIs and their policies do not always account for the best standards and practices in terms of access to information. In a recent analysis, the organization International Accountability Project, found that the former Corporation failed greatly in guaranteeing this right. Numerous projects financed by this member of the IDB Group have not managed to make the affected communities have access to information or participation mechanisms. This situation has been fostered by a lax normative framework that does not guarantee access to this right in its fullness.

It is expected that in this 2018, with the change to BID Invest, the review of the policy will achieve maximum standards and good practices in what access to information is concerned. However, there are still few details about this process. The dates are not defined and it is not known if there will be any instance that allows participation and / or comments from civil society organizations. From FUNDEPS we will be following this process closely and getting involved in it.

More information

Author

Agustina Palencia

Contact

Gonzalo Roza – gon.roza@fundeps.org

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Projects with Chinese financing in Argentina: 8 emblematic cases

This document compiles basic information in relation to 8 emblematic projects with Chinese funding in Argentina managed during the presidencies of Cristina Fernández and Mauricio Macri; and that reflect the growing relevance of Chinese investments in Argentina.

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Court filings for contamination in Chacra de la Merced

“A continuación, ofrecemos una versión de traducción de Google del artículo original en español. Esta traducción no es precisa pero sirve como una presentación general del artículo. Para más información, contactar directamente en inglés y/o español a la persona mencionada al final de este artículo con respecto a este tema “

From FUNDEPS we requested the participation as “Friend of the Court” and as private plaintiff in civil and criminal cases, respectively, initiated against a tannery that operated illegally at the height of km. 3 and 1/2 of the Chacra de la Merced road.

The past month of December formally presents an Amicus Curiae in the titled cars “Foundation of Third Generation C / Jolaga SRL – Environmental Protection”, (File 6229513) that is processed before the Civil and Commercial Court and the 45th Nomination of this city, for carry out the legal claims of the Court on the environmental damage caused by the contaminating activity of the JOLAGA tannery establishment SRL and the obligation that it has on it to recompose the environmental damage caused to the Suquía river.

The environmental protection initiated in February 2017 is aimed at the use of the activity developed for the establishment of wounds and the recomposition of the environmental damage caused.

All this is based on the illegal dumping of waste and residues in the Suquía River, on the Chacra de la Merced highway, km 3 1/2, by the establishment of JOLAGA SRL tanneries, owned by Jorge Ricardo Gawuryn and Ariel Gawuryn. , there has been a clear violation of the General Law of the Environment No. 25,675 and the Provincial Environmental Policy Law No. 10,208, which affects the rights of constitutional roots – right to a healthy environment – art. 41 CN -, right to health, right to life, not only of the population of the affected area but also of the entire community of the province of Córdoba.

In addition, due to the illegal and clandestine activity of possession, a criminal proceeding was initiated that culminated with the closure and with the imputation of tango owners JOLAGA SRL, Jorge Ricardo Gawuryn and Ariel Gawuryn, for the crime of continued environmental pollution, as co-authors, in accordance with the provisions of articles 55 of the Hazardous Waste Law 24,051, and 45 and 55 of the Criminal Code.

According to the investigation, the establishment operated almost ten years ago despite the complaining repetitions of the neighbors, throwing polluting substances into an open-air lagoon in the company’s facilities, and then they would have thrown them into an adjoining land, through of a pump drain. All these properties drain, by simple gravity, into the Suquía River.

As a foundation that promotes and encourages the realization of the right to a healthy and balanced environment, we consider that the contamination and environmental damage caused by the holders of privacy is a violation of these rights that we defend. For this reason, it requests the participation of a private prosecutor to promote the process and help the Public Prosecutor’s Office in the criminal investigation.

The neighborhood of Chacra de la Merced is located at the eastern end of the city of Córdoba, about 150 meters from Circunvalación Avenue and 200 meters from the Suquía River. For more than two decades it was part of the green belt of the city of Córdoba, today it has multiple sources of contamination. The worst thing is the Edar Bajo Grande wastewater treatment plant that has been dumping sewage into the Suquía River for years with poor treatment and even without treatment.

Other polluting industries are also sought, among them, such as JOLAGA SRL, quarries, lagoons produced by the extraction of aggregates converted into open air dumps, among others.

In this context almost 300 families live and the area has been declared in recent years in “environmental emergency” by the Municipality of Córdoba. However, there is no final non-compliance with the measures and actions provided, leaving the neighborhood forgotten in a “pollution river”.

In order to protect the fundamental rights of the residents of the neighborhood, a change of attitude was proposed to avoid impunity and the secrecy of this type of polluting activity. the mercy.

Source of images

La Voz del Interior

More Inforamtion

– Investigan contaminación con un carcinógeno en las cercanías de Suquía,  La Voz del Interior

–  Amicus curiae en causa “Fundación de Tercera Generación C / Jolaga SRL – Protección Ambiental”

– Demandante privado en causa “Acciones talladas arrojaron contaminantes cerca del río Suquía”

Contact

María Pérez Alsina – mariaperezalsina@fundeps.org

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What does 2017 leave us in relation to trunk pipelines?

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”

The year 2017 began with important and promising news for the Gasification Project of Localities of the Interior of the Province of Córdoba, better known by the people of Córdoba as the “main gas pipeline project”. During the first days of January, the Governor of Córdoba Juan Schiaretti and President Mauricio Macri were present at the inauguration of a Pressure Reducing Plant in La Calera, work carried out by the Brazilian company Odebrecht within the framework of the systems awarded to it after the public tender launched in 2015. The reduction plant constituted the first section inaugurated by the Córdoba-Gran Córdoba Ring System, comprised of 52 kilometers of gas pipelines. reinforcement, and that will benefit 300 thousand inhabitants of both Córdoba and La Calera and of Saldán, Villa Allende, Mendiolaza, Malagueño and Malvinas Argentinas, according to official information.

The presence of Macri at the inauguration of the work represented a gesture of political support for the Schiaretti government. Especially taking into account the strong questions and criticisms received by the provincial government for the involvement in this project of the Brazilian construction company Odebrecht, involved in a corruption scandal in Brazil and other Latin American countries, even in Argentina. Despite these questions, the Schiaretti government always defended the participation of the company by resorting to the debatable argument that the corruption events in which it is involved occurred between 2004 and 2013, while the tender in Córdoba was carried out only in 2015.

However, after a few days the project suffers a major setback: Schiaretti announces that, due to delays in obtaining loans from Chinese banks, 4 stretches of gas pipelines would be re-tendered to avoid postponing the start of the works in said sections, but in this case with the Province’s own financing. Recall that of the 10 trunk systems that were defined in 2015, 4 were awarded to Transitory Business Unions (UTEs) made up of Argentine and Chinese companies and financed by Chinese banks (ICBC and Bank of China); and the remaining 6 were awarded to Odebrecht (at first it was said that the Brazilian company would present its own financing for the start of the work, but finally this was not the case, making the province have to resort to indebtedness to start the works).

Thus, criticisms of the link with Odebrecht in the work will be added to questions about the delays in Chinese financing; the lack of relevant explanations regarding the reasons for the fall in financing; the need to re-tender the work and the decision of the provincial government to go back to the market to borrow to finance the work and even for the substantial increase in the cost of the work, which went from a budget of 8,600 million pesos in 2015 to 12,480 million pesos at the beginning of 2017 (an increase of 45% in almost two years).

After a new call for bids in February, in March the works of the four aforementioned systems were re-awarded to the same UTEs that had won in the first tender. In turn, the government issued a new batch of public securities for 460 million dollars to finance the start of works in the 4 tranches of the project, with the financial agent of Banco de Córdoba (Bancor).

Although in that same month of March advances were announced in the negotiations with the Chinese banks to finish making the committed credits for the work, surprisingly on April 21 the Governor Schiaretti announced the definitive fall of the Chinese financing and the signing of a decree that rendered ineffective the adjudication of the works of the 4 corresponding trunk systems. While Schiaretti himself blamed the Chinese banks for the fall in funding, arguing that they raised conditions “leonine, unacceptable to Cordoba and the national government,” the fact is that the government never made clear the true reasons and reasons that led to the fall of Chinese financing.

In this way, the government of Córdoba decided to launch a new tender for 437 million dollars for the construction of the 4 gas pipeline systems, which now in the new call would become 8 systems (in addition to the 6 remaining systems already awarded to Odebrecht ) and whose financing would come from the same province. In this case, the allocation of the new systems fell to national companies.

In early May, and despite criticism from the opposition, the provincial legislature approves a bill that enables new changes in the pipeline project: the negotiations with Chinese banks to finance 4 of the trunk systems are terminated, and it is approved that it is now the provincial government itself that must obtain the totality of the funds to complete the work (ratifying in this way the authorization granted by law 10,339 that enabled operations to take public credit to carry out the works). Just a few days later, the government made official through a decree published in the Official Gazette, a new debt collection for 450 million dollars to finance the work. By the end of June, Schiaretti himself would announce through his Twitter account that the province had obtained the total financing for the work through the placement of bonds in the international capital market.

In short, this strategic project for Córdoba that was going to have in the beginning with financing provided or managed by international actors (initially through the National Bank of Economic and Social Development of Brazil -BNDES-, then through Chinese banks and own financing provided by the Odebrecht company) to depend exclusively, for its concretion, on the province’s own resources or obtained through debt through the issuance of government securities.

The second half of the year would be marked mainly by the progress of the work (according to the government by the end of the year 14% of the work had been completed and the work was planned to be completed by mid-2019), but also by the constants and recurring questions from sectors of the opposition and civil society in relation to the project. Especially after Córdoba was mentioned in the framework of the Lava Jato case as one of the destinations where the Odebrecht constructure paid bribes in Argentina.

Although the national government of Mauricio Macri began a campaign to review and investigate the possible involvement of Odebrecht in the payment of bribes in numerous public works projects in Argentina (which even led the national government to suspend the company to carry out works at a national level), the gas pipeline project in Córdoba was strangely excluded from said revision and the relevant explanations were never provided to justify such exclusion. Even the company continues to operate in the province despite its suspension at the national level (its main work is precisely that of gas pipelines in Córdoba) and the requirements from the opposition that the same be done at the provincial level. Given the lack of answers at the national level, some opposition legislators traveled to Brazil in October of this year to ask the prosecutors of the Lava Jato case to investigate the link between the Brazilian company in the payment of bribes in the framework of the bidding process in 2008 for the construction of trunk pipelines.

In this way, between marches and counter-marches, the balance of 2017 in relation to the trunk gas pipeline project throws little light and many shadows and suspicions in relation to the transparency and execution of the project. Not only because of the never entirely clear fall of Chinese financing at the beginning of the year but also, and above all, because of the way the provincial government has handled the involvement of the construction company Odebrecht in the work and the numerous causes of corruption that splash throughout Latin America and even in Argentina itself. Although the government of Schiaretti has detached the company from any kind of connection with the possible delivery of bribes and corruption in the bidding of the work (even with the support of the national government of Macri itself that has initiated a kind of “Crusade” against the Brazilian company for its actions in the country during the Kirchner government), the truth is that the year that ends leaves many questions and aspects not clarified about the project.

Undoubtedly, 2017 has left a huge debt outstanding in terms of transparency and accountability in relation to this strategic and emblematic project for Córdoba. From FUNDEPS, we expect this debt to be paid in 2018.

More information

– Working Document: Transparency in the gasification project of localities in the interior of the province of Córdoba by Melanie Mackenzie – December 2017. FUNDEPS.

– Notes and publications of FUNDEPS in relation to trunk gas pipelines.

–  Main gas pipelines in Córdoba: a work that advances in the shadow of corruption by Agustina Palencia – December 2017. El Entramado. FUNDEPS.

Image source

La Voz del Interior

Authors

Macarena Lourdes Mustafa / Voluntaria del Área de Gobernabilidad Global

Gonzalo Roza / Coordinador del Área de Gobernabilidad Global

Contact

Gonzalo Roza / Coordinador del Área de Gobernabilidad Global

gon.roza@fundeps.org