This infographic provides information about the responsibility that corresponds to merchants of food products and non-alcoholic beverages that present warning seals and/or precautionary legends, as arises from the incorporation of the Law for the Promotion of Healthy Eating to the national regulatory system. of food, as well as international principles that govern business activity.
This report provides information about the responsibility that corresponds to merchants of food products and non-alcoholic beverages that present warning seals and/or precautionary legends, as arises from the incorporation of the Law for the Promotion of Healthy Eating to the national regulatory system of food, as well as international principles that govern business activity. In this sense, the commitment of the sector is essential in order to guarantee compliance with the public policies in question and protect the health of the population.
On October 3, the national government presented the National Plan for the Implementation of the Escazú Agreement. This regional treaty was approved by Argentina in 2020 and seeks to implement the rights of access to environmental information, public participation in environmental decision-making, access to Justice and the protection of human rights defenders in environmental matters.
“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.
The Secretary of Climate Change and Sustainable Development and Innovation of the Nation was appointed to advance towards the implementation of the Escazú Agreement in Argentina. This tour was designed in two stages: the first, aimed at carrying out a diagnosis to determine the status of compliance with the Agreement in our country, from which recommendations emerged: and the second was focused on designing the Plan. For this, a public consultation, collaborative virtual and in-person meetings, regional dialogue tables and a proposal box were carried out. In total, 533 contributions were received from citizens in the design of the Plan and the majority (65%) of the people who participated were women. At Fundeps we accompany this entire process by providing contributions in the different participatory instances.
The Plan is structured into 6 axes: access to public environmental information, public participation in environmental decision-making, access to justice in environmental matters, human rights defenders in environmental issues, capacity building, governance system for the execution and monitoring of the implementation of the Agreement. Objectives and indicators are also established, which are very important for evaluating progress in implementation. The execution of the Plan will be over a period of 3 years and will be in charge of the National Executive Branch.
The process of creating the Plan was an open, participatory and transparent process, focused on ensuring citizen participation and building the necessary consensus to address the needs of the communities and make the Agreement effective. We celebrate the presentation of this Plan, which represents a milestone towards the consolidation of the application of the Escazú Agreement in Argentina and provides concrete tools to facilitate its implementation. Now we urge the national state and the provinces to implement its implementation and citizens to demand its effective application to achieve the ultimate goal of the Escazú Agreement: compliance with the right to a healthy environment.
More Information
Author
Manuela Fernández Grassani
Contact
María Laura Carrizo, lauracarrizo@fundeps.org
Last week, the annual meetings of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank (WB) took place in Morocco. Likewise, a counter-summit was organized that gave space to civil society and social movements to discuss the neoliberal policies promoted by these institutions. Below are some reflections on these events, their limitations and potential, and the particular situation of Argentina.
“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.
The Annual Meetings, which this year took place between October 9 and 13 in the city of Marrakech, are spaces where panels are organized with IMF directors and staff, while civil society has its own forums and exhibition spaces and discussion. At the same time, countless closed meetings occur in parallel to the entire official agenda. All of this aims to be able to discuss how the international financial architecture is organized, which determines under what conditions funds are lent mainly to countries in the global south. The role of civil society in these spaces is to bring their concerns and represent the voices of the people affected by this complex lending infrastructure.
For example, the Coalition for Human Rights in Development presented a report where of 38 projects evaluated, in 36 reprisals were identified against people who defended rights and complained against said loans. This shows that, although the International Financial Institutions (IFIs) make high-level proclamations regarding the importance of human rights, there are no measures or real addressing of the negative consequences on defenders who suffer abuse by security forces. security and the police, judicial persecution, the disproportionate use of force, surveillance, and gender violence and sexual harassment in the particular case of defenders.
Likewise, the Environment and Natural Resources Foundation (FARN) presented in a panel on the IMF’s climate strategy regarding the Argentine case. It was made visible how the need for foreign exchange from exports is pushing the fossil fuel extractivist model and going against the country’s climate change mitigation goals. The emblematic example is Vaca Muerta, which if fully exploited would use the equivalent of 11.4% of the CO2 budget. In this case, we can see how the short-term foreign trade balance needs override any analysis of environmental impacts and put the environmental sustainability of the planet at risk.
Faced with this, in general the authorities and staff of the IFIs present on the panels insist that existing policies are the ones that work, they dismiss the proposals of civil society with their own data and are not very receptive to any criticism. For this reason, spaces like the Counter Summit appear, where the conversation flows in a more critical and sincere way about what is happening with the impacts of loans and projects, allowing a space to unite voices in order to change injustices. that today affect so many countries and communities.
The Counter Summit opened on October 12 with a march, and over the next two days there were both small group and plenary discussion sessions. Finally, on Sunday the 15th, the plenary session closed with a reading of the conclusions, which included the cancellation of illegitimate debts, policies that respect planetary limits, climate and social justice, and promote food sovereignty. Also, let end financial colonialism, that there be financing for projects that allow adaptation to climate change, social security and universal health coverage, and a special proclamation for the rights of women who are those who are most negatively impacted by austerity policies.
Argentina and its link with the IMF
According to Noemí Brenta, Argentina has a very particular relationship with the IMF, since it is the middle-income country that has been under its agreements the longest, directing economic and fiscal policies. Today, not only does it have almost 30% of the IMF’s loan portfolio, but it is a good student: throughout all these years and of 22 agreements, only 5 were suspended by the organization. Therefore, it can be stated that the guidelines recommended by this organization have had great influence on the decisions of the different governments.
However, compliance with the policies has implied a notable deterioration in people’s quality of life. On the one hand, the conditionalities impose that the income that the country has be used to pay creditors (that is, to the IMF and other debtors as well), which in turn implies that social expenses are cut and there is no investment for the country. development. On the other hand, the extractivist model is deepened through the agro-industrial production of commodities, the exploitation of fossil fuels and mining – lithium mining is very popular today due to its potential to contribute to an energy transition towards other renewable sources. This has negative consequences on the environment, does not take into account the impacts on the use of scarce and non-renewable resources such as water, and limits the development of the communities that live in the exploited territories.
Mariano Féliz suggests that the impacts on the paid labor market have clear gender biases, since it is women who have to face intensified unpaid and reproductive tasks, while receiving fewer public services. IMF policies that promote women’s participation in economic activity do so from an instrumental perspective because it improves macroeconomic indicators and provides labor that usually accepts worse working conditions. However, while the employment rate for adult women increased, the employment rate for men, especially young people, decreased. All of this only results in the capitalist tendency to overload women with care tasks for their own homes and communities, for example, through the organization of popular soup kitchens.
For the logic of financing agreements and governments, human rights are an ideal that is difficult to fulfill rather than an obligation. The panorama then in Argentina makes us have to think about how to build a political movement against unsustainable and illegitimate debts, against abusive conditionalities that are detrimental to fundamental rights and people’s lives. It also forces us to reflect on how these Levels of indebtedness and precarious lives are linked to the growth of far-right electoral options, which ultimately also promote anti-democratic discourses and practices.
The challenges are many, they are complex and involve a lot of political articulation. However, the context is urgent, since there is no sustainability of life possible under the policies of austerity, impoverishment and extractivism. We have to continue building collective narratives, mobilizing and supporting communities by defending their territories.
Contact
Carolina Tamagnini, carotamagnini@fundeps.org
Together with the Table for Water and the Environment of Alta Gracia we present an action for protection for default against the Provincial Administration of Water Resources, for not having responded to a request for public information that we made about the work of providing drinking water for the Country Club “El Potrerillo de Larreta”.
“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.
For months, the Table for Water and the Environment of Alta Gracia (MAyA), made up of people from the community, has been trying to obtain accurate information about the aqueduct that is intended to be carried out to provide drinking water to the Country Club “El Potrerillo de “Larreta.” As has been confirmed, this aqueduct comes from the main pipe that carries water to the entire town and would be 160 millimeters, so it could supply approximately 20 thousand people but the country has only 347 lots.
Let us remember that for more than 10 years, the same country has maintained a 4-kilometer wire in the Los Paredones stream, which is the main tributary of the Chicamtoltina stream (or Alta Gracia stream), preventing community access and violating regulations that establish the right to the common use of terrestrial waters.
The concern for the construction and subsequent operation of this aqueduct lies in the fact that currently the master pipe provides water to the entire community of Alta Gracia and other towns such as Falda del Carmen and Villa del Prado, which at different times of the year suffer from serious problems. of supply. Therefore, if this connection work to the main pipe is carried out, the problem will increase in the future, causing part of the citizenry to have access to drinking water while another large portion does not. Which would imply the violation of a fundamental human right.
Now, given this situation, the Roundtable for Water and the Environment presented various requests for access to public information to the different departments that would be involved in the development of the work. The Municipality and the Alta Gracia Sanitary Works Cooperative responded to the requests made. They said that they were only aware that in 2018 they submitted a request for authorization to use public roads for the construction of a work that sought to provide water to Potrerillo De Larreta. They also stated that in 2021 authorization was requested to begin the work, giving rise to inspections carried out by the Ministry of Public Works and Planning.
They also made a request for information about this work to the Provincial Administration of Water Resources (APRHI), the department that exercises ownership of the water resources of the province. Given the lack of response, from Fundeps and the neighborhood community, we presented an injunction for late delivery of the requested information.
What is a default protection? What did the Provincial Water Resources Administration respond?
An amparo for delay is a judicial action whose sole purpose is to obtain, through the Judicial Branch, information that has not been previously provided.
Once the action was presented, the 2nd Nomination Administrative Litigation Chamber, ordered the Provincial Administration of Water Resources to provide the information that had been requested. Only on September 6, 2023 did it respond stating that, in 2014, the then Secretariat of Water Resources of the Province had granted the technical visa to carry out the construction of the aqueduct. This project plans to supply the Potrerillo de Larreta country with a supply of 1,000 liters per connection and in 2017 a technical visa was given to a purification plant.
Denial of Environmental Democracy
Given the lack of reliable information in this regard, first of all we must say that the right to access public information in a complete and truthful manner has been systematically violated. Nor did the Public Administration fulfill the duty of, if it does not have the information requested, to redirect the request to the competent body. Likewise, it is highly questionable that it was necessary to resort to justice to obtain information since this causes jurisdictional wear and tear, and consumes time and resources that limit access to the right to information.
The right to request and access public information is guaranteed in various regulations:
-The Provincial Constitution.
-Provincial Law No. 8803 on Access to Knowledge of State Acts.
-Law 10208 on Environmental Policy of the Province of Córdoba, Law No. 25,831 on the Regime of Free Access to Public Environmental Information, Law No. 25,675 General on the Environment.
-Law No. 27566 by which Argentina approves the Regional Agreement on Access to Information, Public Participation and Access to Justice in Environmental Matters in Latin America and the Caribbean (Escazú Agreement).
In short, the conduct of the different organizations involved implies a serious denial of citizens’ rights that must be corrected since accessing public information allows one to know and participate in all political, governmental and administrative processes where the environment is compromised.
Author
Ananda Lavayén
Contact
Laura Carrizo, lauracarrizo@fundeps.org
*Photo taken from the Facebook account “Mesa por el Agua y el Ambiente de Alta Gracia”
During September 26, 27, 28 and 29 we were participating in different activities linked to the Second Annual Forum on Human Rights Defenders in Environmental Issues in Latin America and the Caribbean. This Forum is organized by ECLAC in its role as Secretariat of the Escazú Agreement.
“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.
Latin America and the Caribbean continues to be the most dangerous area in the world to carry out environmental defense. Last year, 177 environmental defenders were murdered and 88% of the homicides occurred in Latin America. That is why States must make more and better efforts to guarantee security and provide a safe environment for the development of this task.
Let us remember that the Agreement on Access to Information, Public Participation and Access to Justice – known as the Escazú Agreement – is the first regional environmental treaty in the world to contain specific provisions for the protection of defenders. Specifically, Article 9 provides that States must guarantee a safe and enabling environment in which individuals, groups and organizations that promote and defend human rights in environmental matters can act without threats, restrictions and insecurity.
In this context, together with indigenous communities and defenders from across the region, we met in Panama to provide input on the proposed draft of the Regional Action Plan on Defenders that will be presented next year at the next meeting of the Conference of the Parties (COP 3). This is a true opportunity to impact environmental issues that affect our region.
The Escazú Agreement is the first treaty in the world that has open and horizontal dialogue spaces. These participatory processes are a true tool for the collective construction of public policies.
The main demand from the communities is the urgent ratification of the Agreement by all the states in the region. On the other hand, the violence that groups and people who protect the environment continually experience were exposed, even more so in the context of climate change. In this sense, it is essential to pay special attention to situations of human rights violations in the context of extractive processes linked to the energy transition.
On the other hand, the main request was for the transversal incorporation of a gender and intercultural perspective into the Plan, giving specific recognition to indigenous communities, who have historically been guardians of our common goods.
We hope that more states in the region will ratify the Agreement in the short term and that the claims that were reiterated by the communities will be considered and included in the Plan.
More Information
Resource on Escazú Agreement | Fundeps
Contact
María Laura Carrizo, lauracarrizo@fundeps.org
From Fundeps, together with IDEJUS and Católicas por el Derecho a Decidir, we present “Breaking schemes: a Conversation on Feminist Litigation” at the Faculty of Law of the National University of Córdoba. We spoke with an international panel of lawyers with outstanding experience in the defense of human rights.
“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.
On Friday, September 15, within the framework of the optional subject “Feminist Litigation: Legal Strategies for Gender Equality” taught this semester at the Faculty of Law, the first discussion on feminist litigation took place. The subject addresses conceptual issues about strategic litigation and feminist criticism of law, with a practical part in which cases and experiences are studied. The teaching team is made up of lawyers from Fundeps, CDD and IDEJUS.
With the participation of Lucía de la Vega (CELS), Soledad Deza (Women x Women), Mariela Galeazzi (Amnesty International), Patricia Sotile (Latin American Justice and Gender Team) and Natalia Acevedo Guerrero (O’Neill Institute for Law and Global and National Health from Georgetown University), we talked about her experience in social organizations and in the development of strategic litigation, the obstacles to the practice of law with a feminist perspective and her response to all types of judicial controversies. They highlighted the importance of collective and interdisciplinary work for comprehensive approaches and the need for training in feminist and human rights perspectives in the legal field.
With a review of those causes in which they participated, the progress of the integration of perspectives for real access to justice and the importance of its promotion and dissemination was analyzed.
Through these instances, in line with what was discussed with the panel and with the institutional support of the Faculty of Law, we are committed to contributing to the training of legal professionals with a gender perspective.
Author
Luz Baretta
Contact
Mayca Balaguer, maycabalaguer@fundeps.org
On August 22-24, the 15th BRICS Summit took place in South Africa, where heads of state of the member countries (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa, whose acronym is the acronym) met at a high-level forum to discuss key issues for the most prominent emerging economies.
“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.
During the XV Summit, the Heads of State met with members of the business sector in dialogue with the New Development Bank to outline the main axes that will guide BRICS policy. This year’s agenda included the potential “de-dollarization” of global trade, with China and the yuan at the forefront of this ambition, as well as the possible effects of the Russian-Ukrainian war on cooperation between member countries. However, the emphasis was on the expansion of BRICS to include the countries that have submitted official applications for membership: Argentina, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Ethiopia, the United Arab Emirates and Egypt.
Finally, during the summit, Argentina, as well as the rest of the countries mentioned above, was formally invited to join the BRICS as from January 1, 2024. Since it is an international forum that does not imply a supranational integration process, the decision to join will be at the discretion of the Executive Power that takes office on December 10. Some of the presidential candidates, such as Javier Miliei (La Libertad Avanza) and Patricia Bullrich (Juntos por el Cambio) have expressed critical positions regarding the accession, alleging a strong difference with the international actions of the BRICS countries, especially in reference to their violations of international law, such as during the war in Ukraine.
In this sense, it is possible to identify some key elements regarding the implications of Argentina’s participation in the BRICS. Mainly, reference is made to the quantitative dimension of the BRICS group, which concentrates 40% of the world’s population and 25% of the world’s GDP, a percentage that, together, equals that of the United States (World Bank Data Center). In addition to these numbers, there are those that link Argentina specifically with the founding countries: the main recipients of Argentine exports include Brazil, China and India; while its main imports come from China and Brazil (OEC).
The role of the New Development Bank
The economic factor becomes more relevant if the possibilities of financing by the New Development Bank (NDB) are taken into account. The BRICS development bank was founded by the member nations of the bloc in 2014, during the sixth summit held in Fortaleza, Brazil. This international bank is positioned as an alternative to the IMF and the World Bank, with credits oriented mainly to infrastructure projects and which, according to the official website, prioritize “high-impact operations that are environmentally smart, resilient, technologically integrated and socially inclusive”.
Currently, the New Development Bank finances projects in only 6 countries (China, India, Brazil, Russia, South Africa and Bangladesh) for a total of US$ 32.8 billion. According to sources such as Ámbito Financiero, Argentina is already negotiating with Dilma Rousseff, who holds the presidency, a possible credit line that would help alleviate the pressure on the debts with the IMF. In order to join the NBD, Argentina must make a capital contribution of “US$250 million in sovereign bonds held by the Treasury, from the Guarantee and Sustainability Fund (FGS) of the National Social Security Administration (Anses) and other sources” (La Nación). A key element of participation in the NBD is that in their general strategy they commit to grant 30% of their loans in local currency of the recipient country, in order to mitigate the risk of foreign investment (NBD). In the case of Argentina, this could diversify the sources of financing and reduce dependence on the dollar and the IMF. However, there are still concerns about the bank’s transparency and the possibility of access to public consultations or information on the investment process (Diálogo Chino).
Since its creation, BRICS has positioned itself as an alternative multilateral cooperation forum for emerging economies, which emphasizes multipolarity and a “de-ideologized” positioning, prioritizing informal dialogue and trade exchange. In this sense, Argentina’s entry into the forum presents a space for rapprochement with the large economies of the world that are disputing an alternative model of financing for development.
More information
- Visualizing the BRICS Expansion in 4 Charts – Marcus Lu (2023)
- Is Argentina getting closer to the BRICS? – Fundeps (2020)
- Analysis of the New BRICS Development Bank – Fundeps (2020)
- Council of the Americas: Patricia Bullrich and Javier Milei promised to break with the BRICS : After Argentina joins the economic bloc – Página 12 (2023)
- New Multilateral Development Banks | Fundeps
- Is it convenient for Argentina to join the Brics? – LA NACION – Federico Merke and Oliver Stuenkel (2023)
- How the New Development Bank that the Government is excited about works – LA NACION – Paula Urien (2023)
- New Development Bank – New Development Bank Official Site
- Argentina (ARG) Exports, Imports, and Trade Partners | OEC – The Observatory of Economic Complexity – OEC
- New perspectives on the new BRICS bank – Chinese Dialogue (2023)
Author
Lourdes Álvarez Romagnoli
Contact
Gonzalo Roza – gon.roza@fundeps.org
*Source of the image: El Cronista
Between Tuesday, September 5 and Thursday, September 7, the 8th Open Government Global Summit (OGP Global Summit) was held in Tallinn, Estonia. It brought together members of the Open Government Global Partnership (OGP) from both governments and civil society from around the world, who are working on this agenda in their countries and localities. In this edition, the Summit focused on open government in the digital age, the potential of technology to make governance and policymaking more transparent and accountable, as well as the preservation of democracy.
“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.
At Fundeps we are part of the Network of Civil Society Organizations for the Open State, which accompanies Argentina’s accession to the Alliance for Open Government. We also contribute to the creation processes of both the National Open Government Plans, as well as that of the province of Córdoba and the Legislature of Córdoba.
Based on this, within the 2023 Global Summit, we participated in the Session “Building national-local coalitions for open government” and shared a panel with different government and civil society references from Brazil, Morocco, Ukraine and the Philippines. Experiences of coalitions between federal or national governments with local or municipal labor governments or civil society were shared. In our case, we share the Federal Open Government Program (PFGA) which was the result of a construction between the National Directorate of Open Government, the Municipal Training Directorate and different civil society organizations that collaborate in its design and monitoring in the 4th and 5th National Open Government Action Plan. The PFGA consists of accompanying different initiatives of transparency, innovation, accountability, participation and collaboration promoted by provincial and municipal governments of our country.
Then we attended other talks, workshops and conferences related to experiences of participation and fiscal transparency; transparency in the extractive sector; climate change and just transition; among other. Without a doubt, the OGP 2023 Summit was a very enriching space to share and exchange experiences and realities among the entire open government community. Although the challenges in this agenda remain and are renewed.
At Fundeps we are committed to continuing to collaborate in strengthening initiatives that tend to generate increasingly transparent and permeable governments, with genuine spaces for participation and that respond to social demands in a collaborative way.
Known:
- All the Sessions that took place at the Summit: here.
- The initiatives awarded at the Summit: here.
- The National Open Government Plan: here.
- The Local OGP Plan of the province of Córdoba: here.
- The Open Parliament Plan of the Legislature of Córdoba: here.
Contact
Victoria Sibilla: ninasibilla@fundeps.org
“Demystifying Development Finance” offers insightful insight into Public Development Banks (PDBs) and their profound impact on the world. From the money they invest to the rules they set, these banks influence our lives and the well-being of the planet in ways we often underestimate.
In recent years, the PDBs have advocated playing an even greater role in addressing climate change, global poverty, and other crises. However, the case studies and evidence presented in this report show that BPDs are actually exacerbating problems they claim to solve. The push towards privatization, the extractivist and top-down approach, and the limitations of social and environmental safeguards often deepen inequalities, lead to human rights violations, fuel climate change and increase debt.
Produced by more than 100 civil society activists, this joint analysis aims to open a much-needed discussion about the role development banks play in today’s global economy and what we can do to hold them accountable.
From Fundación Sanar, Fundeps and Fagran we launched “Let’s build a healthier school”, materials aimed at the educational community. Their objective is to promote the implementation of the labeling law in school environments and reflect on the nutrition of children and adolescents.
“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.
Law 27,642 for the Promotion of Healthy Eating, known as the labeling law, is a comprehensive policy that seeks to protect and promote the right to adequate food and the right to health, especially for children and adolescents. To achieve this, it proposes a package of measures that seek to transform the environments where they grow and develop, limiting the supply of unhealthy products in schools and exposure to marketing, educating on food and nutritional aspects, and promoting equitable access to healthy foods.
In this framework, schools constitute a key space for the implementation of the law and have specific regulations to comply with. Children and adolescents spend a large part of their time there and therefore, it is a suitable place to promote healthy habits.
In this context, the process of adaptation to the norm requires an accompanied and informed educational community. For this reason, from Fundeps, Fundación Sanar and Fagran we launched the kit of materials “Let’s build a healthier school”.
The objective is to provide tools to encourage the active participation of the entire educational community in promoting healthier and more sustainable eating practices. It includes materials so that each member can rethink her role within the process and become a change agent in school nutrition.
What materials are included in the kit?
- A document with information about the law as a comprehensive public policy. It provides information about the evidence that supports it and the purpose of each of its axes. At the same time, it approaches a practical activity of a reflective nature to achieve collaborative work among the members of the community.
- 3 Videos: one aimed at authorities and decision makers in the educational field, another at those responsible for children and adolescents; and one for children (which can be useful in the classroom).
This document explores arguments used by food companies against the health policies of Chile, Uruguay, Mexico and Peru, and the responses of the States. The objective is to provide tools that ensure the legal defense of policies in other countries, taking what has happened before as an example.