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We participated in a discussion with the new MICI director, Andrea Repetto

On April 27, we participated in a discussion with civil society organized by the Independent Consultation and Investigation Mechanism (MICI) of the IDB, on the occasion of the recent inauguration of its new director, Andrea Repetto. Civil society organizations, individuals and people from the public and academic sectors from different countries participated. One of the main points of discussion revolved around the evaluation of the Mechanism’s operation recently carried out by the Office of Evaluation and Oversight (OVE) of the IDB Group.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”

The Independent Consultation and Investigation Mechanism (MICI) was established in 2010 as an instance of last resort so that people who consider themselves affected by projects financed by the IDB Group can turn to the mechanism in search of a solution. In this regard, it should be noted that the complaints submitted must relate to non-compliance with the bank’s operating policies and not to other national and / or international regulations.

At the beginning of the discussion, the new director introduced herself personally, conducted a review of the most outstanding events of 2020 and indicated what the priorities of the mechanism will be during 2021.

Case management in times of COVID-19 and management priorities during 2021

In 2020, the MICI took actions to mitigate the impacts of the pandemic on claims management. Managed a total of 21 claims from communities potentially affected by projects financed by the IDB Group in 9 countries: 17 claims refer to IDB projects with the public sector and four to IDB Invest operations with the private sector. In addition, the MICI began, for the first time, a completely remote dispute resolution process in Colombia (Ruta del Cacao).

Similarly, with the recent assumption of Repetto as director, 2 priority areas were identified during 2021: on the one hand, the opening of the mechanism, seeking to make it more accessible to the communities that need it and, on the other, institutional learning, with The objective of adding more value to the IDB Group and reinforcing its accountability and sustainability.

OVE’s evaluation of the MICI

OVE carried out a first evaluation of the MICI in 2012 and identified significant problems in terms of its policy, structure and operation, recommending ending the pilot phase of the MICI and reformulating its policy and structure. Thus, in December 2014, the Bank’s Board of Directors approved a new policy and structure for the mechanism and, since the beginning of 2016, the MICI is also responsible for managing requests related to IDB Invest operations, that is, the private sector.

In the following evaluation (2015-2020), 19 cases were analyzed (between December 2014 – June 2020) and it was concluded that the MICI, in general, is operating in accordance with the principles established in its policy: independence, objectivity, impartiality, transparency and efficiency and that the current policy corrected important issues identified by OVE in its 2012 evaluation as limiting the proper functioning of the MICI. Similarly, there was greater consistency between the policy, the guidelines developed, and the associated processes. OVE also highlighted the consolidation of capacities in conflict resolution within the MICI.

However, there is still room for the MICI to deepen its efforts to maximize its contribution to the IDB Group’s system of safeguards and environmental and social standards.

A key issue that remained pending is judicial exclusion, which continues to be an important factor limiting the effective and efficient functioning of the MICI.

OVE also found that some requirements to access the mechanism are difficult for applicants to meet, such as the need to present their concerns to management before resorting to the MICI. In this regard, it should be mentioned that the difficulty of complying with the requirement of prior contact with the administration had to do, to a large extent, with the lack of a complaints management system within the IDB Group during the period under evaluation (2015 -2020) and one of the OVE evaluation recommendations points towards that goal.

Promotion of access and risk of retaliation

OVE indicated that the mechanism is not yet well known despite the important efforts of the MICI to make it known, including important work in the area of ​​attention to the risk of retaliation that has important implications for safe access to the mechanism. Nor is it clear that at the institutional level there is consensus on the importance of publicizing the mechanism and how to achieve it. Not a minor issue, since access to the MICI depends on the knowledge that people have about the existence of the mechanism.

Finally, another point that the evaluation indicates that should be strengthened is the independence of the mechanism, a fundamental issue since the credibility of the mechanism depends on its ability to work independently. Although the MICI is an arm of the Board of Directors, its added value depends on the extent to which it can present you with frank and honest reports on complaints associated with IDB Group projects.

Based on these and other observations, OVE made 5 recommendations, directed both to the MICI and to the administration and the Boards of the IDB Group. These include: 1) implementing the management system for environmental and social claims of the IDB Group’s administration so that it is articulated with the MICI, 2) nullifying the judicial exclusion, 3) reinforcing the independence of the MICI, 4) ensuring the adoption of corrective measures when there are findings of non-compliance with the policies and related damages and, finally, 5) strengthen the internal capacities of the MICI.

One might wonder, however, if the limitations of the current policy can be remedied by incorporating OVE’s recommendations or if these limitations, on the contrary, necessitate a new comprehensive review of the policy, a measure that OVE has ruled out in its evaluation.

At Fundeps, we believe that this type of instance is essential to exchange opinions and positions in relation to how the Mechanism could be even more efficient and effective in its interventions to the problems that arise in our region. Likewise, we consider that a strengthening of the mechanism translates into an improvement in the accountability system of the IDB Group as a whole.

We hope that these instances will continue to be repeated over time and we celebrate that the MICI is willing to receive feedback from those who position themselves as users of the mechanism, being able to glimpse the shortcomings that the processes may have.

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  • Camila Victoria Bocco
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We call on organizations to participate in open government instances

The Government of Córdoba was selected to participate in OGP Local, a global pilot that seeks to implement an Open Government Action Plan through the co-creation of public policies with various stakeholders.

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The objective proposed by the province of Córdoba is to deepen the provincial work in the field of open government to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) from a joint effort with different municipalities in the province. In this way, it is proposed to work towards accompanying the local governments of Córdoba in the development of a collaborative territorialization of the SDGs, with a gender and youth perspective.

From the province, the process is led by the Secretariat for Institutional Strengthening of the Ministry of Coordination, the Córdoba Joven Agency and the Córdoba Ministry of Women also joined. From Fundeps and PARES we are accompanying the process of co-creation of said Plan and we call on other actors of civil society in the province to join in promoting this process of co-creation with the province of Córdoba.

If you are a civil society organization, a group or space that works on open government, gender or youth issues and you want to be part of the process of building a Local Open Government Plan, complete this form.

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What is happening with the labeling law?

On October 29, 2020, the Chamber of Senators gave a half sanction to the bill for the Promotion of Healthy Eating, with 64 positive votes and 3 negative. From then on, the Chamber of Deputies had the duty to promote the corresponding legislative treatment until it was approved. However, the procedure to date has undergone a series of back and forth that jeopardizes its approval.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”

After intense complaints from civil society organizations for the lack of initiative from the Chamber of Deputies, an information meeting was held within the framework of the special sessions on February 23 of this year. There, referents from the industry sector, as well as representatives of consumer and health organizations, shared information and presented their position on the various regulations and measures that make up the regulations in question. However, the deadlines were not sufficient for deputies to manage to implement it. The parliamentary debate on the bill should have been postponed.

At the same time, almost surprisingly, the National Executive Power broke into the ambit of the National Food Commission (CONAL) and Mercosur with the presentation of another proposal regarding the frontal nutritional labeling of foods. This proposal has the particularity of being friendlier and more flexible with the food industry inasmuch as it not only modifies the nutrient profile system (that is, the values ​​from which it is possible to consider an edible high in sugars, sodium, fat or calories), but also excludes the entire set of other measures that are also part of the current bill. These include regulations for school environments and issues related to advertising.

Faced with this scenario, the demands of civil society were once again necessary for the Chamber of Deputies to resume and promote the treatment of the bill for the Promotion of Healthy Eating. Thus, on April 6 and already within the framework of its ordinary sessions, the fourth information session took place. On this occasion, Fundeps, together with other organizations, highlighted the strengths that the current bill presents in the field of health protection, the need to maintain its parliamentary treatment and the urgency in which the bill is approved without modifications.

Why is it important that it be through the National Congress and not through CONAL?

The proposal promoted by the National Executive Power in CONAL and Mercosur implies a relaxation of the protection standards in health matters. In this sense, it presents important differences with the bill.

One of them is the one concerning the graphic system. The bill establishes that non-alcoholic packaged foods and beverages must include a warning stamp with the legend “excess in” on the main face of the packaging. However, the resolution presented by the Executive proposes its modification to “stop in”. This is not minor or coincidental, if one takes into account that the available scientific evidence indicates that the expression “high in” does not generate the alert that is expected in consumers, and consequently the effectiveness of the policy may be diminished. If an edible design contains excessive amounts of critical ingredients, this circumstance should be expressed as clearly and simply as possible.

A second difference is given by the nutrient profile adopted. This would no longer be that of the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO), but another much more lax one that would make products reached by warning seals according to the PAHO nutrient profile, be offered in the market as free of black octagons . The best scientific evidence available to date and, above all, free of conflicts of interest, shows that the OPS profile allows identifying the products that, beyond the size of the portion considered, tend to unbalance the diets of the people and, consequently, negatively impact their health.

A third difference is that the Executive’s presentation, by limiting itself only to food labeling, leaves key points of the bill unregulated, such as school environments, issues concerning advertising, claims regulations, and seals of endorsement, etc. The bill that is under treatment in the Chamber of Deputies is characterized by being a comprehensive regulation that seeks to penetrate much deeper, as it would allow us to improve our environments, making them healthier and safer spaces. This takes on greater relevance if one seeks to protect the well-being and health of children and adolescents, who, since they are in a stage of training and development, require special protection from the State.

Finally, it remains to add that if the Executive’s proposal continues its course until it is approved by CONAL or Mercosur, the voice of the society represented in the National Congress would be disregarded. This body, established as the highest bastion of popular will, has a constitutional duty to legislate and promote measures that guarantee the full enjoyment and exercise of the rights recognized by the Constitution and international human rights treaties. Likewise, it should be noted that the legislative body is the one that allows more participatory work and greater control by citizens. Unlike what happens in CONAL, whose mode of operation is more hermetic, and where citizens have greater difficulties in accessing what is deliberated and resolved there.

It must be said that the current bill is not only based on the best available scientific evidence free of conflicts of interest, but has also been the result of long processes of discussion and consensus between different political parties. These circumstances allow this type of policy to be conceived as a State policy, giving it more strength, greater legitimacy and more possibilities that it can be sustained over time.

It took many years to accomplish this very important step. Today, the conditions are in place for Argentina to have the best law. The high prevalence of chronic non-communicable diseases, which currently affects the population, requires a policy that more comprehensively addresses public health problems.

In this sense, the draft Law for the Promotion of Healthy Eating is a necessary measure to protect the constitutional rights to health, adequate food and the rights of consumers. That is why, we ask our deputies to unite their wills so that the project passes quickly to an opinion and that it finally becomes a law without modifications.

Author

Maga Merlo Vijarra

Contact

Agustina Mozzoni, agustinamozzoni@fundeps.org

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International Day of Peasant Struggle

On April 17, the International Day of Peasant Struggle was celebrated, commemorating the murder of 19 peasants who demanded their access to land and justice in 1966 in El Dorado dos Carajá, Brazil. Crime that still goes unpunished.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.

Access to land continues to be one of the main conflicts facing the peasantry today. The dispute is based on the struggle for access, control and reconfiguration of the territory that includes soil, water, air, biodiversity, communities, etc. In our region, the main reason that has triggered it is the advance of agribusiness, characterized by being in the hands of a small number of national and transnational companies that are articulated through the sale and appropriation of land, transgenic seeds, pesticides, machinery , until its effective commercialization (in the hands of monopolies).

The dominant production model in our country, based on the “green revolution”, is based on a destructive, decontextualized way of producing and not linked to the pre-existing communities, nature and customs of the region where it takes place. Proof of this are the innumerable environmental and social liabilities that it generates through the excessive use of agrochemicals, the indiscriminate felling of trees, the contamination of surface waters and water sources, the immoderate use of fossil fuels, the increasing emission of greenhouse gases. , the impoverishment of soils, the extermination of biodiversity and the consequent production of food lacking in nutrients.

As a result of the serious consequences that it produces both in health and in the environment, over the years, different resistances to this form of production have been developed. An example of this is Ramona Orellano de Bustamante, a symbol of struggle for peasants and peasants, who for more than 15 years has resisted in the north of the province of Cordoba in defense of its territory, facing economic power, agribusiness, and power. judicial system, and the system that has systematically violated it.

Agroecology is thus presented as an alternative to agribusiness, developed by the peasantry, peasant families and indigenous peoples. This other way of producing is not considered only as a method of cultivating healthy food of nutritional quality, but also as a movement with social, cultural and political goals whose principle is respect for Mother Earth. It also revalues ​​the peasant status, helps to build independence from unfavorable markets, favoring local, sustainable and resilient development in the face of climate change.

Despite all the benefits that agroecology presents, and the need to promote family, peasant and indigenous agriculture, and if it is regulated both at the national and provincial level (National Law of Family, Peasant and Indigenous Agriculture and Law of Good Agricultural Practices de Córdoba), there are currently no real public policies that value and promote it. For these reasons, a true political will is necessary to address the urgency of an agrarian reform, which leads us towards a more sustainable agriculture, which produces quality food and with well-paid farmers recognized for their service to society. Undoubtedly, it is a pending debt and there is still a long way to go, so it is important that the fight is vindicated and made visible on April 17.

Authors

  • Ananda Lavayen
  • Maria Laura Carrizo

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Andrea Repetto Vargas began functions as the new director of the MICI

Andrea Repetto has been appointed by the Executive Board of the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) as Director of the Independent Consultation and Investigation Mechanism (MICI) for the period 2021-2026 and began functions on March 16, 2021.

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On February 5, the IDB announced the appointment of the Chilean Andrea Repetto Vargas as the new Director of the MICI for the period 2021-2026. Repetto Vargas is a lawyer and has more than 15 years of experience in accountability mechanisms, promotion of human rights and mediation. He was a Human Rights Specialist at the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights of the Organization of American States (OAS) and worked as a conflict resolution specialist for the CAO, the independent accountability mechanism of the Group’s International Finance Corporation (IFC). World Bank. She has also led mediation and dialogue processes to address complex environmental and social project issues in Latin America and West Africa.

Upon assuming office on March 16, Repetto Vargas expressed his commitment to work for an MICI “even more open to all the people and communities in the region who need us”, emphasizing his will to “promote institutional learning, which allows us to contribute even more value to the institution and thus reinforce accountability and environmental and social sustainability of IDB Group projects. She, in turn, highlighted the work done by the outgoing director, Victoria Márquez-Mees, and her entire team, pointing out that she allowed the Mechanism to be strengthened and to position it as a benchmark.

From Fundeps we welcome the appointment of Andrea Repetto Vargas as the new Director of the MICI and we hope that this election will allow the process of strengthening and dissemination of the Mechanism that has been taking place since its creation in 2010 to continue.

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Author

  • Juliet Boretti

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Citizen participation in check

This Friday, April 9, at 12 noon, the public hearing will begin on the Punilla highway. It will be done through a digital platform and will be broadcast live on YouTube.

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Within the framework of the project “ALTERNATIVE ROUTE N ° 38 – VARIANT SECTION COSTA AZUL – LA CUMBRE” -punilla highway-, the environment secretary of the Province convened the corresponding public hearing. This stage is mandatory and prior to obtaining the environmental license.

Beyond the technical-environmental objections that the project deserves regarding its environmental impact, whose evaluation may imply the denial (or not) of the environmental license, the procedure selected by the provincial authority to the holding of the public hearing.

Is that the call itself established that to proceed with the registration, it was necessary to have “LEVEL 2” of Digital Citizen -CIDI- or, where appropriate, obtain it. Then, once this procedure was completed, it was possible to register through the “participation” service of said portal. Each and every one of these previous steps required having access to the internet, a device with a camera and even knowledge of technologies.

To participate in the public hearing – which is scheduled to begin today – you must have a device that allows you to access the corresponding “Google Meet” session. This adds other variables that make access to the procedure difficult, since the person interested in participating must not only have a good internet connection -due to the number of people present in the same session- but also with computer knowledge and a device appropriate technology. In addition, given the possible attendance of many people, the administration must adopt a good room management mechanism, trusting that the platform does not collapse due to the number of online participants.

All these requirements for the exercise of the right to public participation, in addition to finding their justification in the pandemic context, are based on the regulatory framework created by Provincial Law No. 10,618 and its Regulatory Decree No. 750/19 for the modernization of the administration. This regulation is what makes possible, based on Art. 8, the possibility of digital audiences.

The requirements designed by the provincial administration for the enjoyment of the right to citizen participation in environmental matters, generates certain questions regarding the validity of the procedure and the consequent administrative act. Participation must be open, inclusive, guaranteeing favorable conditions so that it can be adapted to the characteristics of the population, taking into special consideration those sectors that for one reason or another are in a situation of vulnerability. The way in which the digital public hearing has been implemented seems to move away from these guidelines, generating restrictions that have a direct impact on the enjoyment of the right of access to public participation in environmental matters, particularly of those people who do not have devices, knowledge and necessary infrastructure.

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Domestic workers: a fight for their recognition

In Argentina, legislation and public policies on care have made progress but also obstacles. Within the framework of the International Day of Domestic Workers and the 8th anniversary of the enactment of Law 26,844 on the Special Regime of Work Contract for Personnel of Private Houses, we highlight the importance of the legislation and regulation of the work of those who they take care of it in a remunerated way, although we recognize that there is still a lot of hard work in pursuit of its effectiveness and expansion.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”

In the 1950s, the first laws related to domestic work appeared, in order to define labor relations and their rights as workers.

But it was not until 2013 when Law 26,844 was enacted, which established a special work contract regime for paid workers in private homes. This law regulates the labor relations that are established within private homes or in the sphere of family life and that do not generate a direct profit or economic benefit for the employer. It defines this work as any provision of cleaning, maintenance or other typical household activities services, personal assistance and accompaniment to family members or those who live in the same home with the employer, and the non-therapeutic care of sick or disabled people.

In this process, activism and later the union organization of private house workers, has been key in the fight for their rights. The Union of Auxiliary Personnel of Private Houses (UPACP), which encompasses the workers of private houses, “carries out its tasks of defense and representation of the workers in the sector since the beginning of the last century. Today the workers have a law that regulates the activity, No. 26,844, which equates, as appropriate, the work of domestic service to that of workers from other unions. Now the workers of private homes have the right to vacations, maternity leave, among all labor rights. ”

This law tries to put the rights of private house workers on an equal footing with those of any other worker in a formal and dependent relationship. However, the characteristics of domestic work, related to the private sphere, the invisible, with the duty assigned to women to care for and give love in a disinterested, selfless way and without any type or with little remuneration and recognition, It makes it difficult for these activities to be considered as work and those who perform it, as workers.

Labor market of private house workers

Law 26844 not only establishes the regime of private house workers but also different categories according to the type of work that was developed in the domestic sphere. These categories translate into salary scales:

www.upacp.org.ar

 

However, this recognition is far from meaning the realization of their labor rights.

According to a report by the National Directorate of Economy, Equality and Gender, in Argentina, the main occupation of women is paid domestic service: it represents 16.5% of the total employment of employed women and 21.5% of wage earners. It is the most feminized activity in the market (96.5% are women), the one with the highest informality rate (72.4%) and the one with the lowest average income in the market, constituting the poorest workers of the entire economy. This means that a domestic worker earns 46 pesos for every 100 that a private sector employee receives and 30 pesos for every 100 that a formal worker receives. Compared to men, they earn 26 pesos for every 100 pesos that one of them earns. According to the ILO, this informality and precariousness generates the breach of rights and a space for labor exploitation, even of girls and adolescents.

For Candelaria Botto: “In our country, where the State does not satisfy these needs, the role of domestic workers becomes essential for a large number of households. However, this work takes place mostly in precarious conditions and with low remuneration, which shows the little social value that is given to reproductive work. ”

Even with all these limitations on access to rights, it is likely that a registered employee, whose labor relations are regulated by a legal framework, is in better working conditions.

That the autonomy of some does not take it away from others

Now, who are the women that make up this group of domestic workers?

Mercedes D´Alessandro, in her book “Economía Femini (s) ta”, affirms that the “fairy godmothers” who sustain the lives of those who inhabit the households with the highest income are women in situations of vulnerability and poverty. Many of them have dependent children and most have not been able to complete secondary school (only 2% of them completed a tertiary degree or university). As a result, 40% of poor mothers are private house workers.

They are women who need to work but are not qualified to access other types of employment. In addition, it is usually one of the first job options for women from other countries, although the percentage of internal migrants among these workers is more remarkable. Many young women see this job as a way out of poverty, but end up living in a utility room of a wealthy family that does not pay them a Christmas bonus, vacation or sick days.

At this point, it is important to think about the tense link between paid and unpaid forms of care. Given the unjust social organization that distributes care, paid and unpaid care work falls mainly on women. That is why it is always necessary for a woman to take care of, to “free” another of these tasks. And here, it is not only the stubborn persistence of the sexual division of labor that undermines advances in favor of a more just and equitable society, but it is also other factors of inequality and oppression that overlap with gender. The class and powerful processes of racialization that still persist go through caregiving.

As domestic work is, to a great extent, carried out by poor women, peasants, migrants, representatives of various ethnic groups, with low education and little education, who find in this activity a means of subsistence, it is one of the most devalued jobs not only in economic terms but also in social terms. Thus, families with higher incomes can turn to the market to free up time, which implies hiring another, poorer woman to do domestic and care work.

As D’Alessandro says: “behind every great woman, there is another great woman.”

This invites us to think about care in a feminist and intersectional way, which puts care work at the center of the scene and de-romanticizes it. Because the lack of decent wages and real access to labor rights is not compensated with gratitude and love.

As Sol Minoldo says: “How feminist can a process be in which some women emancipate themselves at the expense of others, leaving the sexual distribution of domestic work intact?

If there is exploitation, it does not stop there because the worker is treated with affection and the trust of our intimate life is opened to her, although it may be noticed a little less. It is time to question the way in which “love” has been used to make it invisible that domestic work is work, whoever does it. That love is not an excuse to deny workers their rights. ”

Although the importance of care and of those who care – especially during the pandemic – has become increasingly visible, this has not yet translated into salary improvements in the case of paid domestic and care work. We still owe a debt to the people they care for. With domestic workers, there are still huge social, cultural and economic gaps to fill. They perform essential work but in precarious and irregular conditions, with miserable wages that are barely enough for them to access the basic food basket.The gaps and obstacles that these workers face every day are an impediment to real access to their rights as workers, as women and as people.

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Argentina seeks to agree with China an investment plan for 30 billion dollars

On the eve of the next trip to China, the Argentine government negotiates infrastructure investment agreements worth close to 30 billion dollars.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”

The President of Argentina, Alberto Fernández, will visit the President of China, Xi Jinping, on May 5. One of the backbones of the meeting will be the negotiations for the entry of the South American nation to the Silk Road project and the landing of 5G technology from the hand of Huawei. In addition, it is expected that other important agreements for the bilateral relationship will be discussed, such as the expansion of the Caucharí solar energy park in Jujuy, infrastructure projects, livestock, investments and financing.

After a 2020 characterized by the health and economic crisis caused by the covid-19 pandemic, the Argentine government advances in investment agreements with China for a value close to 30 billion dollars. Argentina has 15 infrastructure projects on the list to present to China. These agreements are of great importance for the national government, mainly in view of the necessary reactivation of the Argentine economy.

The projects that Argentina prioritizes for investment from China are the rehabilitation plan of the San Martín Railway system, improvements to the Roca Railway line, infrastructure works on the Miter and Urquiza railway, the redefinition of the Belgrano Cargas railway network and the incorporation of rolling stock for passengers. In parallel, the installation of smart pig farms is being discussed. It is estimated that the value of the investment would be around 3.8 billion dollars for a period of four years, in addition to the objective of producing 882 thousand tons of meat for a value of 2.5 billion dollars.

Likewise, the landing of Chinese investments in mining is discussed, especially in the production of copper and lithium in northern Argentina. Regarding lithium, Argentina signed an agreement with Jiangsu Jiankang Automobile (JJA) for the production of vehicles and batteries in the country. The list of projects includes the remodeling of the Chaco-Corrientes bridge, the construction of an aqueduct and water treatment plants, road corridors and the development of a logistics hub in Tierra del Fuego.

Regarding investments in energy, the president has in his portfolio five main works that require large investments that he will request from the Asian giant. This plan prepared by the Secretary of Energy, Darío Martinez, and the Minister of Economy, Martín Guzmán, stands out for the non-inclusion of one of the most demanded works by China: the construction of the fourth nuclear power plant in the country with Chinese technology . This works plan includes the construction of the southern gas pipeline, the electric grid in AMBA, the electric grid in Patagonia, the Mesopotamia pipeline and the construction of a thermal power plant.

The construction of the fourth nuclear power plant began to take shape during the government of Cristina Fernández for a value of 12 billion dollars. With Mauricio Macri in power, the cost was lowered to 9 billion. However, with the economic crisis and Macri’s electoral defeat, the project came to a standstill. The arrival of Alberto Fernandez meant for China the possibility of discussing the realization of the project. Another work that does not appear in this plan is the construction of the Chihuido hydroelectric dam in Neuquén. This work claimed by Russia and China would remain in the hands of Germany.

One year after the start of the pandemic in Argentina and the measures that have been adopted to act accordingly, the link with China has deepened. The Chinese market has become the main destination for beef exports from Argentina. Bilateral trade between the two countries, which in 2000 was around 2 billion dollars, closed in 2019 at a value close to 16.3 billion dollars, with Argentine exports for 7 billion dollars and imports for 9 billion dollars. of dollars. In addition, the Argentine government closed an agreement with the pharmaceutical company Sinopharm in early February for the shipment of 1 million doses and the arrival of another 3 million doses is expected at the end of March.

This new boost to the relationship with China is expected to be strategic, commercially balanced and accompanied by the necessary responsibility in environmental and social matters.

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Author

Mariano Camoletto

Contact

Gonzalo Roza, gon.roza@fundeps.org

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Public procurement in a pandemic: a year of direct contracting and lack of transparency

Today the Red Ruido made its presentation with its first investigation on “Public procurement in a pandemic: 2020, the year of direct contracting and the lack of transparency.”

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”.

Ruido is a national network made up of journalists, communicators, specialists in open data and referents of civil organizations from 15 provinces that aims to make visible content from all over the country related to issues of transparency, access to public information, corruption and produce investigations, reports and other content related to these topics. From Fundeps we support the creation of the Red Ruido in alliance with FOPEA and with the collaboration of Poder Ciudadano.

These are the results of the first Noise investigation How were public funds used in Argentina for purchases related to the pandemic in 2020?

Through surveys on public portals and requests for access to information, it investigated information on public purchases in pandemic in 13 Argentine provinces and the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires between March and December 2020 to answer the following questions: what bought? how they did it? How much did they pay?

Highlights

  • 92% of purchases in the framework of the health emergency were made directly, according to the Noise survey in 14 Argentine provinces.
  • The province of Buenos Aires bought ambulances at prices much higher than those of the rest of the districts.
  • Chaco paid for the most expensive N95 chinstrap in the country.
  • Córdoba and Buenos Aires concentrated the highest billing in a single supplier.
  • Santa Cruz purchased the liter of ethyl alcohol at the highest cost.
  • The most opaque provinces: Formosa, Santiago del Estero and Tucumán do not make any purchase details public.
  • Difficulties in accessing information in each district.
  • Reports and data province by province

Buenos Aires, with the most expensive ambulances in the country
The information obtained is partial and incomplete despite requests for access to the information, which were not answered. The most striking case: the ambulances of more than $ 13 million.

Catamarca, little information and a lot of jet
There are no public portals to access purchases and the information collected on expenses due to Covid-19 is minimal. A health jet purchased in a pandemic cost $ 8,950,000.

Chaco, no frame
There is a shopping portal, but it is impossible to know which ones correspond to the emergency due to the pandemic. The request for access to information was not answered.

CABA, with 210 operations without consignment
It is one of the best organized districts, with the display of public purchases. Although there are 210 operations that cannot be traced. Suppliers to investigate.

Córdoba, with differences
Almost all the data are available online. The Noise survey shows 83% of direct awards. The Government has another interpretation.

Entre Ríos: the dispute to investigate overpricing
The limit for direct purchases in a pandemic was extended to almost $ 5 million. And the ordinary and federal Justices dispute an investigation for overpricing.

Formosa, the impenetrable
There are no web portals or information on hiring in a pandemic. The only response to the request for access was the figure of how much was the total spent.

Mendoza, accessible
The province is one of the most transparent in relation to the publication of contracts. More information here.

Salta, the imprecise

It is not possible to access the information of the final awards. The government did not respond to requests for access to information on Ruido.

Incomplete answer in Santa Cruz
It does not publish official purchase data. Noise got them after access requests, which were answered by five out of seven ministries. The “sensitive data” that is not displayed. More information here.

Santa Fe, with confusing data
There is no coincidence between the few operations that appear on the official shopping portal, reported by Ruido. It is also not clear if they correspond to the emergency due to the pandemic. More information here.

Santiago del Estero: not even paying
It is one of the most opaque provinces: it was not possible to access any public information, despite requests for access. More information here.

Tierra del Fuego: Covid drivers
Partial data was accessed. The hiring of chauffeurs for a secretariat is striking, due to pandemic reasons. More information here.

Tucumán: 5 years to access the information
No information was obtained regarding any public purchases of pandemic expenditures. There is a case about access to information that the Tucumán Justice has not resolved for five years. More information here.

More information

Authors of the Noise survey

Mariela Arias (Santa Cruz), Marcela Arce (Santiago del Estero), María Ester Romero (Buenos Aires and CABA), Yamile González (Formosa), Gabriela Sánchez (Mendoza), Bárbara Maidana (Chaco and Sante Fe), Cristian Pérez and Juan Manuel González (Córdoba), Gabriel Ramonet (Tierra del Fuego), Luciano Garro (Entre Ríos), Gonzalo Guzmán (Salta Transparente), Luis María Ruiz (Tucumán), Sol Minoldo, Julieta Fantini, Andrés Vázquez, Sergio Carreras and Edgardo Litvinoff.

Learn more about El Ruido

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Access to Information Agency: organizations request a hearing from Alberto Fernández

After the public hearing held last Tuesday, March 23 to discuss the candidacy of Gustavo Fuertes as head of the Access to Information Agency, civil society organizations requested a meeting with the President of the Nation to ask him to propose a ideal candidate at the head of this key body to guarantee transparency in the State.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”

Together with ACIJ, Poder Ciudadano, Legislative Directory, Democracia en Red, Vía Libre Foundation and the Regional Alliance for Free Expression and Information, we requested an interview with Alberto Fernández in order to express a series of observations about the candidacy -proposed by the Chief of Cabinet, Santiago Cafiero- for the position of Director of the Agency for Access to Public Information (AAIP).

The public hearing that was held on March 23 to discuss the candidacy of lawyer Gustavo Fuertes as head of the AAIP revealed the need for another profile to be proposed for the position. After a series of challenging statements by numerous individuals and civil society organizations and the candidate’s responses to the observations and questions made, it was clear that the candidate lacks the knowledge and track record to demonstrate his suitability and commitment that a charge of this relevance requires.

Faced with this worrying situation, the organizations request to meet urgently with the President of the Nation, trusting that we will be able to state the reasons why a new candidacy must be sent that meets the requirements of suitability and autonomy for the position.

Access the letter

Contact

Nina Sibilla, ninasibilla@fundeps.org

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The Chief of Staff must propose another person to direct the Access to Public Information Agency

Joint statement of ACIJ, Democracia en Red, Legislative Directory, Fundeps, Citizen Power, Vía Libre and the Regional Alliance for Free Expression and Information, on the occasion of the conclusion of the hearing in which the set of observations presented in around the candidate proposed by the Executive Power, Gustavo Fuertes.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”

On March 23, the public hearing was held to evaluate the candidacy proposed by the Executive Power for the Agency for Access to Public Information, which promotes Attorney Gustavo Fuertes for the position. Contrary to what is established by current regulations, and what should have even happened due to the nature of the position under discussion, the hearing was not broadcast live for the general public, which restricted the number of listeners and access by part of journalists.

The candidate presented some work proposals, but his answers to the questions asked – generally incomplete and limited – showed the lack of specific knowledge regarding access to information and protection of personal data, which corroborates that his professional career in other areas of the public sector do not make him a person qualified for the task that is intended to entrust him. Far from reaffirming that he is the most suitable person for the position, the candidate acknowledged on several occasions the need to study the issues on which he was asked and the existence of people with a greater background in the matter.

The hearing revealed what numerous civil society organizations raised in their challenges: the candidate lacks the knowledge and track record to show his suitability and commitment for the position. Dozens of male and female speakers presented their objections over almost 5 hours. All the people who spoke agreed on the need for another candidacy to be sent to ensure the proper functioning and autonomy of this fundamental body, while no person came forward to argue in favor of the candidacy.

Public hearings must be an instance of substantive participation of the citizens that result in better decision-making by the State. Otherwise, they become a mere formality. It is clear from the results of this hearing that the candidacy of the Executive Power for the position does not meet the requirements of the law.

We ask the Chief of the Cabinet of Ministers, Santiago Cafiero, to withdraw this candidacy and send that of a person who demonstrates his suitability and commitment to the position, in compliance with articles 20 and 21 of Law 27,275 on the Right of Access to the Public information.

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The 2021 Annual Meeting of Governors of the IDB and IDB Invest was held

Between March 17 and 21, the Annual Meeting of Governors of the Inter-American Development Bank was held virtually. Different economic and financial leaders from member countries and the private sector discussed the pandemic and the economic recovery in Latin America and the Caribbean.

“Below, we offer a google translate version of the original article in Spanish. This translation may not be accurate but serves as a general presentation of the article. For more accurate information, please switch to the Spanish version of the website. In addition, feel free to directly contact in English the person mentioned at the bottom of this article with regards to this topic”

Each year, the IDB holds its Annual Meeting of the Board of Governors in one of the member countries. This year, the Assembly was held in the city of Barranquilla, Colombia, and its agenda was crossed by two central themes: the economic recovery of Latin America and the Caribbean in the face of the crisis caused by the pandemic, and the capitalization of the Bank.

First, the Bank’s president, Mauricio Claver-Carone, affirmed the IDB’s commitment to helping countries recover from the current economic crisis, reaffirming support for the financing needs of governments and assistance for access and negotiation in the purchase of vaccines. Based on this, Claver-Carone is committed to promoting the agenda that the Bank baptized as “Vision 2025”: reinvesting in the Americas, a decade of opportunities ”.

This agenda establishes five areas in which the IDB will focus in our region. These areas are: regional integration, strengthening value chains, supporting small and medium-sized enterprises, promoting the digital economy and prioritizing responses to gender and climate change issues.

On the other hand, Claver-Carone emphasized the work of the IDB Group during 2020, which in response to the COVID-19 emergency, approved loans for almost US $ 24,000 million, both to companies and governments, reaching record levels in the granting of loans. Faced with this, the president referred to the Bank’s capitalization: “I ask you to reinvest in us so that we can decisively reinvest in the region (…) The region will have a committed partner to help countries face these historical challenges and be well equipped with the financial resources necessary to make a big difference ”.

The Assembly then approved a resolution authorizing the work necessary to consider a potential capital increase of around US $ 80 billion. This amount was authorized by the United States Senate and was described by the Bank’s president as “the largest capitalization in its history.” Capitalization is a process that will increase the IDB’s creditworthiness and lending capacity. Through this, the Bank’s capital will be revalued and will allow it to face its need to address the financing problems of the region.

Finally, Claver-Carone referred to the need for the participation of women in the labor market to promote economic growth in Latin America and the Caribbean and made known new contributions for the Amazon region between Colombia and Brazil to promote development sustainable through an environmental approach.

Undoubtedly, this year’s Assembly leaves us with a clear forecast of what the IDB Group will do in our region, crossed by the needs generated by the pandemic, by a new Bank presidency and by new agendas to be implemented, supported by the new capitalization. In this sense, it is worth noting that this capitalization process should be accompanied by a series of necessary internal reforms at the institutional level, which effectively ensure greater transparency and protection of social and environmental rights in projects financed by the Bank or its clients. .

At the same time, the process of citizen participation and relationship with civil society should be strengthened. The way in which spaces such as the Board of Governors are structured and planned, for example, reflect the Bank’s little predisposition to create effective spaces for exchange and dialogue with civil society and affected communities. We hope that these are some of the points to be reviewed by the Bank in view of a possible capitalization.

More information

Author

  • Sofia Armando

Contact